Kremlin: In need of patriots
August 2, 2005
MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator Vasily Kononenko.) President Vladimir Putin's recent meeting with leaders of the youth movement Nashi ("Us") was unexpected by many, but nevertheless indicative of his domestic policy.
Putin asked activists of the self-styled "anti-fascist" movement to help the country deal with problems among young people such as alcohol and drug addiction, and recent increases in ethnic and religious hate crime. The president's patriotic sentiments were quite conspicuous, and he tried to share them with the commissars (as they call themselves( of one of the country's most radical youth organizations.
Remarkably, the meeting took place shortly after the government adopted a new Federal Target Program, "Patriotic Education of Russian Citizens, 2006-2010." According to Alexei Zudin, a leading political expert and head of political programs at the Center for Political Technologies, this background suggests that the authorities could be afraid of something.
Question: It seems that the authorities have suddenly become very anxious about patriotic education of young people. Why has this problem become topical after ten years in the doldrums?
Answer: The main reason is that a pro-active foreign edge has appeared in Russian domestic processes. This is related to the geopolitical expansion of the West, the so-called "color" revolutions, and changes of power in the CIS, where young people played a crucial part. Besides, we should not forget about help provided to these revolutions by foreign countries, first of all the United States. So, the authorities' interest in patriotic education of young people is pragmatic. In my opinion, it is a positive development, because to be implemented, any project requires a practical need, not only ostensible administrative interests. You can even say that the idea of "sovereign democracy," of real state sovereignty, depends on who manages political processes in the country: Internal or outside forces.
Q.: Are you saying that foreign forces could interfere in Russian politics?
A.: It is possible. The thing is that certain technologies have appeared; we can call them "revolutionary" technologies. They have proved that they are successful. And they can be copied. Under these circumstances it would be a serious error for the authorities and politicians not to use such technologies. However, the experience of the "color" revolutions shows that change can take place only under certain domestic conditions. Still, these conditions should be studied thoroughly in order not to make a mistake.
For example. At the end of 1999, enormous demand for elite change appeared in Russia. The systemic opposition - the Fatherland - All Russia bloc, with its inertial thinking - decided that if there was demand, it would get power with no effort. But we saw how the Kremlin managed to reign in the political revolution that was meant to destroy it. This is called seizing the initiative under the well-known formula: "If you cannot prevent changes, lead them."
Q.: Does this mean that young Russians are becoming politically active against their own will?
A.: Certainly, the outside factor I have named is the determining one. But there are also inner demands among young people. Polls show that young Russians are more apolitical compared to society in general. The gap is about 10%. But surveys have revealed another significant factor: When asked joining a political organization, young people demonstrate more willingness than older generations.
Q.: Let us get back to patriotic education. What ideals can be used today to bring up younger generations of Russians? After all, it is no secret that in the last 15 years young Russians have looked only up to the West.
A.: The time of promiscuous orientation toward the West has gone. Public opinion in this country has changed drastically. Attitudes toward the West are now more distanced, more skeptical and more realistic. People are not hostile toward Europe or America. But they need universal modern values complemented with national values. This is first of all true about young people who want to live and work in Russia. This group is the most natural choice for shaping the new patriotism. Unlike Soviet methods of instilling patriotism, today we can talk about forms of work that exclude sacrifice. The most relevant project in this respect is work for a better life in Russia.
Q.: The Nashi youth movement puts forward quite controversial mottos, such as a "younger ruling elite," and a "personnel revolution," They call themselves "the country's managers," nothing less. Could this lead to a conflict between generations?
A.: A Kremlin official has been even more outspoken: "Let us give you the country..." In fact, all these mottos and promises of the authorities simply respond to the demands of young people. We can call it social mobility. That is, there is demand for conditions for self-realization. Now words must be accompanied by deeds. As for controversies, all political activities are based on the principle of separating "ours" and "not ours."