January 5, 1998  
This Date's Issues: 2001  •2002

Johnson's Russia List
#2002
5 January 1998
davidjohnson@erols.com

[Note from David Johnson:
1. Thomas Goltz: Re: Stone Reviews Lloyd's Birth of a Nation.
2. Steve Blank: "NATO Enlargment and the Baltic States, What 
Can the Great Powers Do?"
3. Rossiiskaya Gazeta: YELTSIN ANSWERS QUESTIONS FROM 
RUSSIAN MASS MEDIA.
4. Washington Times: James Morrison, 50-50 foreign policy. (Views of
Lukin and Collins on Russian foreign policy).
5.Interfax: Nemtsov Named Russia's Man Of The Year
- Poll.
6. Interfax-Argumenty i Fakty: Leonid Sedov, WHEN WAS LIVING 
IN RUSSIA EASY? (Opinion poll.)
7. UPI: Russian banks receive new notes.
8. RIA Novosti: DENOMINATION OF RUSSIAN ROUBLE PROCEEDING 
SMOOTHLY IN FIRST DAYS OF NEW YEAR.
9. Interfax: Analyst Predicts Stability, Not Growth in 
Russia This Year. (Nikonov). 
10. The Times (UK): Mark Franchetti, Kremlin guard reveals 
how he shot hated Beria.
11. RIA Novosti: ALEXIUS II SENDS CHRISTMAS GREETINGS TO 
RUSSIAN CITIZENS.
12. RIA Novosti: BORIS YELTSIN APPROVES AMENDMENTS IN INCOME 
TAX LAW.
13. RFE/RL NEWSLINE: CHUBAIS DEFENDS 1997 ECONOMIC ACHIEVEMENTS
and 'IZVESTIYA' SLAMS LIVSHITS.
14. RIA Novosti: RUSSIA'S MAIN ECONOMIC TASKS IN 1998 ARE TO 
OVERCOME CONSEQUENCES OF FINANCIAL CRISIS, STABILIZE SITUATION 
WITH STATE FINANCES AND ACHIEVE BEGINNING OF REAL ECONOMIC
GROWTH.
15. Jamestown Foundation Monitor: KREMLIN APPROVES KEY NATIONAL 
SECURITY GUIDELINES.]

*********

#1
Date: Sun, 4 Jan 1998 
From: goltz@alpinet.net (Thomas Goltz)
Subject: Re: Stone Reviews Lloyd's Birth of a Nation

Dear David, 

I noted with delight that Norman Stone refers to my book on Azerbaijan, in
which John Lloyd makes his 'heroic' appearance (Johnson's Russia List #2001,
5 January 1997). Lest Lloyd or any of his friends or foes dash off to the
bookstore, however, I would like to note that said book is almost impossible
to find, but is about to be re-issued in an up-dated form and with a new
title, to wit: Azerbaijan Diary: A Rogue Reporters Adventures in an Oil Ric,
War Torn Post Soviet Republic (Whew!) by M.E. Sharpe, Armouk NY, circa
February 1998. A more detailed announcement will follow. 

Bests (and thanks Doktor Stone),

Thomas Goltz

*******

#2
Date: Mon, 5 Jan 1998
From: blanks@carlisle-emh2.army.mil (Steve Blank)
Subject: study

Apart from wishing you a happier new year, I wanted to inform your 
readers that I haverecently published a study for the Strategic Stuides 
Institute on NATO enlargement issues entitled "NATO Enlargment and 
the Baltic States, What Can the Great Powers Do?" it is now available 
from our publications office (717-245-4138) or will soon be online at 
our web site, carlisle-www.army.mil/usassi

********

#3
>From RIA Novosti
Rossiiskaya Gazeta
January 4, 1998
YELTSIN ANSWERS QUESTIONS FROM RUSSIAN MASS MEDIA

On New Year's eve a number of Russian central mass media
asked President Boris Yeltsin to answer some questions
concerning the results of 1997 and plans for 1998. The
following are the President's answers which were issued by his
press service.

Question: Everyone will have his or her own memories of
the outgoing year. Which of the events that has happened this
year have been of importance for Russia? Which events--good or
bad--has there been more?

Answer: There have been quite a few of both. As you
remember, the end of the year was very difficult--accidents,
catastrophes, human casualties. Nonetheless, I believe that
there have been more good events than bad ones.
First of all, I want to talk of our Russian economy. The
outgoing year has been the first since the beginning of the
reforms when we managed to stop production recession. What is
more, a certain growth has begun, although it is not very big
yet. I would say it is sooner the first shoot of growth. But
this indicator is of great importance for our economy. As they
say, we have at last managed to get things moving and started
rising slowly. You will agree that we looked forward to this
and did a great deal to ensure the beginning of economic
growth. It is a very gratifying fact that the first signs of
growth have appeared.
It is also important that economic recovery has been
observed in a growing number of Russian regions for more than a
year now. I will mention only some of them: the Murmansk,
Rostov, Vladimir and Yaroslavl regions, the
Karachayevo-Cherkess republic and the Chukotka autonomous area.
Furthermore. Whereas in 1996 industrial production
increased only in four Russian regions, in January-October of
1997 it went up in thirty regions. You will agree that this is
a very encouraging fact.
But the most dangerous thing for us now is to rest on our
laurels. Economic growth should be stimulated. I have already
said more than once that the government should more actively
work in the economic sphere. But this means not giving away
orders but creating conditions for economic recovery.
I cannot help mentioning another positive process. You
remember that 1997 was declared a year of accord and
reconciliation. Many doubted that we would be able to reach
accord in our society. But we have made it, because we
consistently worked for the strengthening of civil peace and
accord. Relations between the branches of power were developing
particularly dynamically in the last months of the outgoing
year. As a result, on New Year's eve we held the Round Table on
such a complicated problem as private ownership of land. I will
continue to facilitate in every way the further strengthening
of such mechanisms of cooperation as the Group of Four and the
Round Table. I hope that next year we will have a permanent and
constructive dialogue between all the branches and at all the
levels of power in Russia. I suppose that all have already
realised that confrontation is one of the most harmful defects
of the past, and it should be eradicated as soon as possible.
The outgoing year was of great importance for Russia's
foreign policy. We have created the Byelorussia-Russia Union,
normalised inter-state relations with Ukraine and mapped out
ways of strengthening cooperation within the community of four
nations--Russia, Byelorussia, Kazakhstan and Kirghizia. Active
efforts are being made to determine prospects for the further
development of the Commonwealth of Independent States. I am
sure this will give a new impetus to our Commonwealth.
Russia has noticeably strengthened its positions in
Europe. Our European partners have grown convinced that the
attempts to imagine Europe without Russia are futile. We have
signed the Russia-NATO Founding Act. It has laid the foundation
for the development of constructive cooperation between our
country and NATO. Our agreement with the European Union has
entered into force.
The integration of Russia into a number of prestigious
international economic organisations has been an outstanding
event, in my opinion. I mean, first and foremost, Russia's
membership in the Paris and London Clubs of creditor countries.
The relations of equal partnership between our country and
the US and other industrialised nations of the world grew much
stronger last year. Russia has become a full-fledged member of
the Group of Eight.
A real breakthrough has been made in the Asian direction
of our foreign policy. It has been decided to accept Russia to
such an international organisation as Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation.
We have made much progress in relations with our great
neighbour, China. Almost all the border disputes have been
settled. The future generations of our peoples will have no
ground for disputes over this issue. This is of importance not
only for our two countries but for Asia as a whole, too, where
the border problem is one of the most urgent issues.
The outgoing year has been quite significant for
Russian-Japanese relations. New principles of our cooperation
have been endorsed and agreements on large-scale economic
interaction have been achieved.
Russia continued to play a noticeable role in the
settlement of regional conflicts. Russia's initiatives have
helped to prevent a dangerous escalation of the Iraqi crisis.
By and large, Russia's role has been growing in the
international arena. Its voice grows ever stronger in the
powerful chorus of the world community, and it will continue to
grow further.
I want to take note of one more event of the outgoing year
which gave me much joy and satisfaction--the opening of the
Kultura (Culture) television channel. Though it has just been
opened, it already shows great promise.
It goes without saying there have been events in the
outgoing year, as in any year, which have distressed and
troubled me. There have also been losses and disappointments.
We have not achieved all the goals which we set forth a year
ago. But such things are usually not discussed on the eve of a
holiday. We will do it after Christmas, and I think there will
be more than one serious conversation.

Question: Traditionally, we see every new year in with
hope. Now that we are summing up the results of 1997, would it
be appropriate to ask whether the hopes which you pinned on the
outgoing year have come true?

Answer: I do not think that it ever happens that all our
hopes come true, and the year 1997 has been no exception in
this respect. Speaking of the economy, I must frankly say that
I counted on better economic results of the year. I know that
the government is not satisfied with the results of its work,
either. Of course we can say that the world financial crisis
which occurred in the end of autumn and the beginning of winter
has affected Russia, too. But we should not search for any
justifications. The main responsibility and the main guilt lie
with us, the leaders of the country.
In 1997 we succeeded in eliminating the government's debts
to pensioners. It is now important to pay our debts to
public-sector employees. I set forth this task half a year ago,
and it must be fulfilled. I hope that the federal government
will begin the new year without these debts. It is important
that people should get the money as soon as possible.
The outgoing year was not an easy one, but it taught us
many things. The experience which we have thus gained will help
us a lot in the future.

Question: In what way will the new year be significant?
What will it be for Russia?

Answer: Predictions are not my domain. I can only say what
we need to do next year. I am now working on my annual message
to the Federal Assembly, in which I will outline the new tasks
that we will have to handle in the new year. I do not want to
forestall events and disclose all my plans. That is why my
answer will be very concise. I expect the government to
substantially intensify its work in the economic sphere. It
should concentrate its efforts on the main task--Russia's
economic recovery and growth. This will require breakthrough
ideas and new approaches. I hope that they will be elaborated
and submitted.
This is certainly not all. We have many interesting plans
and ideas for 1998.

********

#4
Washington Times
5 January 1998
[for personal use only]
Embassy Row
By James Morrison
50-50 foreign policy

     Along with some warnings to the West and veiled threats to neighbors,
a former Russian ambassador to the United States explained his country's
foreign policy goals for the future and reviewed accomplishments in 1997.
     Vladimir Lukin, now chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the
Russian parliament, said Russia has national interests in the former Soviet
republics in Asia and will assert its claim to Caspian Sea oil.
     "The Caspian oil resources may soon become a field of either
international cooperation or tough rivalry fraught with conflicts," he
wrote in a paper distributed by the Russian Embassy.
     "We are ready to negotiate a harmonic use of these riches with a view
to satisfying the interests of all partners. But a discord may make all
countries of the Caspian basin suffer."
     He also warned the Baltics to expect Russia to use "economic leverage"
to reverse what Moscow claims is discrimination against Russian speakers.
Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia deny mistreating ethnic Russians.
     "Russia's striving to improve relations with the Baltic states has
brought little fruit," Mr. Lukin wrote. "[Their] tough policy toward
Russian speakers in the region and their unwillingness to heed Russia's
legitimate demands on the matter make Russia seek new methods of convincing
them to comply.
     "Thus, I believe, it is expedient to use the economic leverage in
negotiating with Latvia."
     Mr. Lukin said the new Russia-NATO council helped ease Moscow's
concerns about the expansion of the Western alliance, but he warned that
Russia must have a legitimate voice in NATO policy.
     "If Russia's stance is heeded, the mechanism can well be seen as
efficient," he wrote. "If it become an instrument of exclusively furthering
decisions by [NATO], one has to admit that the standing Russia-NATO council
is a gimmick intended to keep Russia happy."
     He counted improved relations with China and Japan as among Russia's
"largest achievements of 1997" and called the Russia-China border treaty a
"breakthrough."
     He said Russia's relations with Japan are "on the rise."
     Russia has made diplomatic advances in Iran and Iraq and its "standing
in the Middle East is firm," he said.
     Mr. Lukin, ambassador here from 1992 to 1994, concluded:
     "I see the score in Russia's foreign policy activities in 1997 as
50-50. Some things have been done, others not. I hope for more efficiency
in the coming year."

'A great nation'

     The new American ambassador in Moscow sees Russia as a "great nation"
that really wants to work with the United States.
     "One of the things that does trouble me about the way we treat this
society is that we look at Russia as nothing but a bundle of problems.
Well, it isn't," Ambassador James Collins told the Associated Press in his
first lengthy interview since taking the position in September.
     "Russia is a society. It's a people. It's a culture. It's a great
nation."
     Despite disagreements, Russia and the United States share many common
interests, he said.
     Both countries want to control weapons of mass destruction and reduce
their nuclear arsenals, he said.
     Mr. Collins called on the Russian parliament to ratify the START II
nuclear arms reduction treaty. While the U.S. Senate has approved the pact,
it is being held up in the Russian legislature.
     "It's an example of why we have some of the difficulties we do in the
security area," he said.
     He noted differences over Iran and Iraq, where the United States wants
to isolate both countries and Russia wants to engage them. But he said
Moscow and Washington agree on the major goal.
     "Neither wants to see weapons of mass destruction in the hands of Iran
or Iraq," Mr. Collins said.
     He said U.S. congressional efforts to influence Russian policy have
created an anti-American backlash, especially among hard-liners in the
parliament.
     "I think it does reflect a sense here of resentment of being ordered
around, which in some cases I think our government has done in a way that
is not productive," Mr. Collins said.
     
********

#5
Nemtsov Named Russia's Man Of The Year - Poll

MOSCOW, Jan 5 (Interfax) - First Deputy Prime Minister *Boris Nemtsov* was
named "man of the year" by 23% of Russians, according to a public opinion
poll. 
The All-Russian Center for Studying Public Opinion (VTsIOM) polled 1,600
people living in Russia in late December. The poll results were published
by Moskovskiye Novosti (Moscow News) newspaper. 
Nemtsov's popularity surged from 5% in January 1997 to 25% in May.
However, his rating declined to 15% in November. Sociologists singled
Nemtsov out as "man of the year" since other public figures were less
popular among the respondents. 
Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov is the second most popular politician, named
by 14% of the respondents. 
Pop singer Alla Pugachyova was named "woman of the year" with a 25%
popularity rating. Head of the State Committee on Supporting Small
Businesses Irina Khakamada was the second most popular woman in Russia,
named by 19% of those polled. 

********

#6
>From RIA Novosti
Interfax-Argumenty i Fakty, Nos. 1-2
January 1998
WHEN WAS LIVING IN RUSSIA EASY?
By Leonid SEDOV

Interviewers from Russia's Public Opinion Studies Centre
(VTsIOM) asked this question of 1,502 respondents throught this
vast country. Questions could embrace any period in the 20th
century from Tsar Nicholas II to President Yeltsin. 
The results of the poll were anything but sensational. The
pollsters got the not unusual impression that many people are
cherishing the good memories of yesterday and very few people
are trying to live good amid today's realities. 
So what were the answers (as percentage of the total
number of the polled and in discending order)?

------------------------------------------------------
Life was good: %%
------------------------------------------------------
Under Leonid Brezhnev 41
Don't know 17
After 1991 14
Under Yuri Andropov 7
Under Nicholas II 6
Under Josef Stalin 6
Under Nikita Khrushchev 4
Under Mikhail Gorbachev 3
Under Vladimir Lenin 1
------------------------------------------------------

The dominating feeling is that the period of "realistic
socialism', what with its endess queues and rampant deficits,
was the time of easy living and the highest living standards.
Plus there are 14% of those who are favouring life in different
periods of socialist history. The absolute majority of
respondents thus believe that socialism was the best time in
this country's life. 
But for the absolute majority in this group this feeling
bespeaks of neither political affiliation nor a sensible choice
of a social order. Simply, 70% of them were young and socially
active in Brezhnev's epoch. They are finding it hard to adapt
to the realities of today. 
Their answer "Under Brezhnev" means that their living was
easier then, whatever the social order was called or whoever
was the top dog. Therefore, only a third of them say they are
fanning for the Communists; 43% of them are absolutely
indifferent to all parties and politics per se, and 17% have a
sympathy for Yegor Gaidar, Grigory Yavlinsky and other
democrats.
The adherents of Stalin and Khrushchev are miuch more
politicised: they are mostly people of advanced age and low
educational levels whose incomes are in the medium bracket. 
Interestingly, Stalin's fans are found relatively more
often in the small towns in the environs of the Urals and the
Urals proper, in particular among representatives of the local
ethnic minorities, while Khrushchev's devotees are mostly rural
dwellers in Russia's European South. 
Close to 60% in both groups are ready to back the
Communists and the Communist Party on the whole, but 14% of the
former and 20% of the latter sympathise with the democrats. 
On the other hand, among those whose life was (presumably)
easy under Khrushchev, some 50% just love Alexander Lebed and
20% have a sympathy for Vladimir Zhirinovsky. 
The predominant nostalgia is opposed by the very few
people who believe that life has now become easier or was
easier in the period before the October 1917 revolution. This
vision is shared by 40% of university graduates under forty,
50% of business people, 48% of all kinds of students and a
third of respondents in Moscow and St. Petersburg.
Presumably, the fact that 20% of the polled are young,
socially active, well educated and liberally-minded may
guarantee this nation against a repetition of the past. But
nearly a half of the Russians are strictly apolitical, less
than a third of them fan for the democratic-orientation
parties, and very few support Boris Yeltsin and the 'party of
power'. 
Many people are living for the day and feeling good. They
have known of no other times and give but a little thought to
the specificities of life today.

********

#7
Russian banks receive new notes

MOSCOW, Jan. 5 (UPI) _ Russian banks have started working with new ruble
banknotes on the first business day of 1998. 
Russia chopped three zeros off its currency, the ruble, in a sweeping
denomination at the start of the year, but most Russians are only now
getting their first glimpse of the new money. 
Russia's Finance Ministry and Central Bank went to great lengths to
assure the nation that the money is still worth the same. 
The new rate of exchange has been set at 5.94 rubles to the dollar,
against 5,940 on Dec. 31. 
The denomination brings back Russian coins, the kopeck (``KOH-p peck''),
which were withdrawn after the Soviet Union fell apart and 1, 000 percent
inflation made them worthless metal. 
There are 100 kopecks in a ruble. 
Officials say both old and new notes will be valid and the replacement
will be made gradually over the next 12 months. 
Shopkeepers have been ordered to display both old and new prices and
have a conversion table for customers. 
Consumers are worried that most shops would use the money change as an
opportunity to increase their prices. 
Vera Panfilova (``VEH-rah pan-FEE-lah-vah''), a pensioner buying bread
in central Moscow, told United Press International, ``They always manage to
swindle us out of our money when they change the bank notes.'' 
Central Bank Governor Sergei Dubinin (``sir-GAY doo-BEE-neen'') issued a
warning to Russian retailers not to increase prices. 
He said he would not stand for such practices, which hurt the
credibility of the state and the bank. 

********

#8
DENOMINATION OF RUSSIAN ROUBLE PROCEEDING SMOOTHLY IN FIRST
DAYS OF NEW YEAR

VLADIVOSTOK, JANUARY 5. /RIA Novosti/ -- "During the first
days of the new year, there are no signs of hullabaloo in
connection with the denomination of rouble in Pimorye Territory,
its vice-governor Nikolai Sadomsky told Novosti. 
According to the returns of an opinion poll conducted in
Primorye upon the request of the Central Bank of Russia, the
majority of the respondents reacted positively to the
denomination saying that it will now be easier to make
calculations in shops and market-places using new banknotes and
receive change in kopecks. 
STAVROPOL, JANUARY 5. /RIA Novosti/ -- The denomination of
the Russian rouble has not affected the normal life in Stavropol
Territory, with the local banks, exchange offices, savings
banks, and shops operating smoothly. It was pointed out a
session of the local administration that the new banknotes had
been timely delivered to the area in the necessary amount, and
then distributed among twelve local cash-settlement centres
which then channel them to the local commercial banks. In the
opinion of Alexander Kalinin, chairman of the local pricing
committee, the prices of goods and service are not expected to
grow.
MAKHACHKALA, JANUARY 5. /RIA Novosti/ -- The new banknotes
and coins have been put into circulation in Makhachkala starting
from January 2. According to Nelli Pavlova, head of the cash
emission and circulation division of the National Bank of
Daghestan, cash is being released to private individuals without
any agitation. Pavlova stressed that the National Bank of the
republic has a stock of the newly-denominated banknotes and
coins sufficient not only for the first days of the new year but
also for the whole of the first quarter.
VOLGOGRAD, JANUARY 5. /RIA Novosti/ -- The rouble
denomination now under way in Volgograd is proceeding in an
orderly way. The have been practically now calls on the 'hot
line' of the local office of the Savings Bank, the main
department of the Central Bank of Russia for Volgograd oblast
reports. All the branches of the Savings Bank started
transactions with private individuals' deposits on January 2,
1998. Among the clients are mostly the elderly people entitled
to compensations on the deposits made prior to 1992. Both new
and old banknotes are released to those of them who opted to
receive cash. 

********

#9
Analyst Predicts Stability, Not Growth in Russia This Year 
Interfax
5 January 1998

MOSCOW -- The year 1998 will be a year of stability for Russia, but not one
of strong growth, said the president of the Politika analytical center,
Vyacheslav Nikonov. 
"The approval of the tax code, a normal budget, pension, housing and
land reforms are likely to get bogged down," Nikonov predicted. 
He added that "the pattern of relations between the president and the
opposition, executive and legislative powers which developed at the end of
1997 is likely to remain in the new year." 
Nikonov said regular meetings of the four ranking leaders of the
executive and legislative branches, known as the "Group of Four," as well
as wider roundtable meetings including heads of political factions and
public groups promise to draw the opposition into the decision-making
process, easing political tensions. 
The payment of back wages may become another positive development. 
"In any case this ceases to be a federal problem and becomes a problem
for individual regions," Nikonov said. The issue of wages may assume a new
quality as people become dissatisfied not with delays in wages, but with
their size. 

********

#10
The Times (UK)
4 January 1998
[for personal use only]
Kremlin guard reveals how he shot hated Beria 
by Mark Franchetti 
Moscow 

FOR MORE than 40 years uncertainty and controversy have surrounded the 
fate of Lavrenti Beria, the chief of Stalin's secret police who presided 
over successive purges of the intelligentsia and a gulag that held 3m 
prisoners. Now one of Beria's executioners has ended an enduring mystery 
of the Soviet era with a vivid account of the man's imprisonment, trial 
and death by firing squad. 
Hizhnyak Gurevich, 83, was present when Beria was arrested in the 
Kremlin after losing the power struggle that followed Stalin's death in 
1953. He guarded Beria for six months in an underground bunker, tending 
to his every need. 

Finally, after being ordered to join the firing squad, he took Beria's 
body to a crematorium. After the cremation he scattered the ashes by 
throwing them into a powerful fan. 

"I have never recovered from the shock of having to shoot him," said 
Gurevich, speaking for the first time to a western journalist. "I loved 
Stalin and learnt to respect Beria as a man. I know nothing of his 
crimes. He was intelligent and always treated me with great respect." 

A native like Stalin of the southern Soviet republic of Georgia, Beria 
was summoned to Moscow in 1938 to run the NKVD, the forerunner of the 
KGB. He turned it into his personal fiefdom and nurtured ambitions to 
succeed one of the most ruthless dictators of the 20th century. 

At the height of his power, Beria not only ran the gulag but was also 
put in charge of the Soviet Union's programme to develop atomic bombs. 

He was a rapist and a torturer, commanding his bodyguards to abduct 
young women from the streets of Moscow and bring them to him. Human 
bones thought to be from some of his victims were unearthed five years 
ago during construction work near his home in Moscow. 

Although some details of Beria's final days have been disclosed since 
the collapse of communism, much of the truth has been obscured by the 
refusal of President Boris Yeltsin's government to allow public access 
to the KGB's most sensitive archives. Beria's only son, Sergo, a former 
missile scientist who is now a pensioner in Kiev, claimed his father was 
killed on the day of his arrest. "I dream of the day when the archives 
will be opened," he said. "Only then will the world see that he was not 
the main culprit." 

Others have maintained that Beria was rescued by loyal supporters and 
taken to Argentina, where he lived into old age. A faded picture of a 
man who resembled Beria strolling the streets of Buenos Aires is 
occasionally published in support of the claim. 

Gurevich, who was decorated for keeping the secrets of Beria's demise 
throughout the Soviet years, dismisses such stories as legends. 

"I know. I shot Beria myself," he said in his dingy one-bedroom flat, 
crowded with communist memorabilia. "I have written several times to 
Beria's son to tell him of his father's last days and to prove that he 
did stand trial. But he has refused to meet me." 

It was in June 1953 that Gurevich, already a highly decorated major in 
the Red Army and a veteran of the battle of Stalingrad and the fall of 
Berlin, first confronted Beria. On the evening of June 26 he was handed 
a list naming 50 trusted men and ordered to arm them heavily. They were 
to wait outside the Borovitskie gates of the Kremlin, the entrance now 
used by Yeltsin's motorcade. 

Beria's time had come. Nikita Khrushchev, manoeuvring to assert himself 
as supreme leader of the Soviet Union, had established sufficient 
support to ensure the downfall of his most dangerous rival. 

At a meeting inside the Kremlin, Beria was denounced as a traitor and 
arrested. When he was searched, guards found a crumpled piece of paper 
on which the word "alarm" had been written in red. He is thought to have 
scribbled it in a panic during the session in the hope of alerting his 
personal guards. 

"I was told only at the last minute that Beria was being arrested and 
that we were to escort the convoy carrying him," recalled Gurevich. 

"I was shocked. This was the most powerful man after Stalin. But I was 
told that he was an enemy of the people. Orders are orders." 

At midnight a black government car with flashing lights left the 
Kremlin. Beria was forced to kneel on the floor of the vehicle, 
surrounded by his captors. Gurevich and his men took command, 
transporting Beria to a bunker beneath Osipenko Street in central 
Moscow. 

"He had not slept all night and his arrest had obviously taken him by 
surprise," said Gurevich. "I offered him some soup and put it on his 
table. He was furious. He grabbed the plate and threw it at me. 

"His cell was 20 metres square, had no windows and was completely bare 
except for a wooden bed, two chairs and a table. The light was kept on 
at all times. 

"That night I was commanded to guard and serve Beria and to make sure 
nothing happened to him before the trial. In the event of the bunker 
coming under attack, I was under strict orders to execute him." 

During the next six months Gurevich became a virtual prisoner, living 
and sleeping in a cell adjacent to Beria's. The two cells were connected 
by a bell which Beria rang whenever he needed anything. 

"I did everything for him," said Gurevich. "I shaved him, ran his bath, 
cut his hair, bought food for him with money given to me from his bank 
account. I cooked all his meals and tasted all his food first to ensure 
that nobody had tampered with it. During those six months I spent more 
time with him than anyone else. 

"At first I was scared, but with time we began to respect and like each 
other. He used to call me Misha. He often said he was innocent and must 
have thought he would soon be released because he used to tell me that I 
was a good man and that he would take care of me once he was out." 

As the days passed, however, Beria became frightened. On one occasion he 
scrawled on the walls of his cell: "They want to kill me! They want to 
kill me!" 

Gurevich escorted him daily to his trial which, he said, began under 
heavy guard in November 1953. When the death sentence was passed, 
Gurevich brought him a black suit which he was made to wear. He tied 
Beria's hands to a steel ring and led him to another cell where five 
officers were waiting. 

"He knew he was going to die but he did not panic," Gurevich said. "He 
let me understand that he wanted me to seek out his son to tell him what 
had happened. He was a clever man. He was not a coward and he knew how 
to behave with dignity. At one point he went pale and his left cheek 
began to tremble. That was his last and only sign of emotion." 

Minutes later Major-General Pavel Batitskii, chief of staff of the air 
force, shot Beria at close range. Gurevich and his fellow officers were 
then instructed to follow suit. 

"I drew out my pistol and shot once, hitting him from a distance of two 
yards," said Gurevich. "Then everybody else pulled the trigger." 

Left alone to wrap Beria's body in tarpaulin, Gurevich collapsed. He was 
later ordered to take the body to the Donskoy crematorium, where he 
pushed it through a hatch into the flames. 

Almost immediately after Beria's death, many of those who had served 
under him were executed. The editor of the Great Soviet Encyclopaedia 
wrote to subscribers instructing them to cut out the flattering entry on 
Beria "with a small knife or razor blade". He sent an article about the 
Bering Sea to be pasted in its place. Until Mikhail Gorbachev began the 
process of perestroika in the mid-1980s, Beria was mentioned in official 
textbooks only as a criminal. 

Although many communists still revere Stalin today, Beria is regarded 
both in Russia and abroad as a fundamentally wicked man who was 
personally responsible for the deaths of thousands of people. 

"It is not for me to judge Beria," Gurevich said. "But I still feel a 
lot of pity for him as a man. I think about what I had to do every day 
and those memories keep haunting me. They are difficult to live with. I 
felt sorry for him." 

Additional reporting: Dimitry Beliakov 

*******

#11
ALEXIUS II SENDS CHRISTMAS GREETINGS TO RUSSIAN CITIZENS

MOSCOW, JANUARY 5, RIA NOVOSTI - Patriarch of Moscow and
all Russia Alexius II has congratulated Russian citizens on the
great Christian festival in memory of the birth of Jesus
Christ.
In Christmas greetings received by RIA Novosti, the
patriarch notes that the social life in Russia and the former
Soviet republics this year like before has been rich in joys and
troubles. There are still millions of people suffering from
malnutrition and inadequate living conditions. Privations are
facing elderly people, the handicapped, families with many
children, orphans, refugees and forced re-settlers. The economic
difficulties and spiritual impoverishment have told most
unfavourably on the birth rate and health state of the nation.
Some places are stricken by inter-ethnic and political tensions
and local conflicts.
The head of the Russian Orthodox Church notes that thanks
to God the political frictions are somewhat abating and our
society is heading for peace and accord. The message of
greetings expresses hopes that with the Divine help the peoples
will continue to live in peace, truth and dedication to their
historical mission.
Alexius II made a reminder that last year marked the 850th
anniversary of Moscow. An Orthodox service was delivered on
September 7 at the Saviour Cathedral, with thanks to God for the
great graces in the history of the city. The message
emphasises the universal significance of the forthcoming two
millennium since the advent of Our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ. "We hope that the Christians will be joined by all the
people of the Church in celebrating the universal jubilee," says
the Holy Patriarch. 

*********

#12
BORIS YELTSIN APPROVES AMENDMENTS IN INCOME TAX LAW

MOSCOW, January 5, /RIA Novosti correspondent/ -- President
Yeltsin signed a federal law on making amendments and additions
in the Law of the Russian Federation on the Income Tax to be
collected from physical persons, passed by the State Duma on
December 19, 1997, and approved by the upper house of the
Russian parliament -- the Federation Council -- on December 24,
1997, a RIA Novosti correspondent was told in the presidential
press service.
It is envisaged in the law that the "income tax on the
total income received during a calendar year shall be collected
as follows:
the income of up to 20,000 rubles -- 12 percent;
from 20,001 to 40,000 rubles -- 2,400 rubles plus 15
percent of a sum exceeding 20,000 rubles;
from 40,001 to 60,000 rubles -- 5,400 rubles plus 20
percent of a sum exceeding 40,000 rubles;
from 60,001 to 80,000 rubles -- 9,400 rubles plus 25
percent of a sum exceeding 60,000 rubles;
from 80,001 to 100,000 rubles -- 14,400 rubles plus 30
percent of a sum exceeding 80,000 rubles;
from 100,001 and more -- 20,400 rubles plus 35 percent of a
sum exceeding 100,000 rubles."
As regards an annual income not above 5,000 revalued
rubles, not a whole monthly earning is to be taxed but only a
part remaining after a sum equalling a double minimum wage or
salary received in the country has been deduced from it.
Besides, the size of a taxable income will be reduced for
this category of citizens by of deducing the sum spent on the
maintenance of children and other dependants. The deductions are
to be made "for each child aged under 18 years, a student or a
day-time pupil up to 24 years of age, and for every other
dependant having no source of income." 

******

#13
RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol 1, No. 188, Part I, 5 January 1998

CHUBAIS DEFENDS 1997 ECONOMIC ACHIEVEMENTS.
First Deputy Prime Minister Chubais argued in a 30
December interview with Russian Television (RTR) that the
government made substantial economic achievements in
1997. He said the government was able to collect most taxes
owed by the country's largest tax debtors, such as the gas
monopoly Gazprom, the car manufacturer Avtovaz, and the
electricity giant Unified Energy Systems. Chubais also
claimed that in 1997, unemployment and mortality rates
declined while real wages and industrial production
increased. He promised that the government will pay wages
to state employees and pensions on time in 1998. Other
major tasks for the year include tax reform, measures to
increase pensions, and steps to solve the problem of massive
non-payments, Chubais said. News coverage on fully state-
owned RTR is mostly favorable to Chubais. LB

'IZVESTIYA' SLAMS LIVSHITS. Writing in the 30
December edition of "Izvestiya," economist Andrei Illarionov
argued that Chubais has managed Russian economic policy
far more effectively this year than Aleksandr Livshits did as
finance minister from August 1996 until March 1997.
Illarionov said several important economic indicators
showed improvement in 1997, thanks to Chubais. For
instance, he argued that Chubais helped the government
collect more taxes in cash, while under Livshits taxes were
more frequently collected in the form of money surrogates.
Illarionov also noted that while Livshits was finance
minister, Russia's budget deficit increased and an unrealistic
budget for 1997 was adopted. Livshits recently criticized
alleged information leaks from the Russian government to
Western financial institutions, and various Russian media
have blamed Chubais for those leaks (see "RFE/RL Newsline,"
19 and 22 December 1997). Oneksimbank, which is close to
Chubais, is a major shareholder in "Izvestiya." LB

*********

#14
RUSSIA'S MAIN ECONOMIC TASKS IN 1998 ARE TO OVERCOME
CONSEQUENCES OF FINANCIAL CRISIS, STABILIZE SITUATION 
WITH STATE FINANCES AND ACHIEVE BEGINNING OF REAL ECONOMIC
GROWTH

MOSCOW, JANUARY 2, /FROM RIA NOVOSTI CORRESPONDENT
ALEXANDER KRYLOVITCH/ -- Russia faces three main economic tasks
in 1998. They are overcoming of consequences triggered by the
financial crisis last year, stabilisation of state finances and
achieving the start of real economic growth. This fact was
disclosed by Alexander Livschitz, deputy presidential
chief-of-staff in the interview to a RIA-Novosti correspondent.
According to Mr. Livschitz, country leaders are not
satisfied over the economic growth achieved last year since it
is of low quality. At the same time the Russian deputy
presidential chief-of-staff thinks the achieved growth stemmed
from objective causes which existed during the first years of
it. According to Alexander Livschitz, also miscalculations made
by the government 'contributed' to the low level of growth. At
the same time the deputy presidential chief-of-staff noted that
at issue is not solely the growth but its quality, mainly, which
industrial sectors develop, which of them experience reduction
of cost, which sectors face increase in efficiency and
competitiveness and many other indices. These issues stand high
on priority list this year and will be in the focus of 1998,
noted Alexander Livschitz.
In other words, Mr. Livschitz emphasised, the government
needs a policy of control over quality of growth. Though it
might sound a bit scientifically, but this problem is presently
at issue.
At the same time the Russian deputy presidential
chief-of-staff said that president Boris Yeltsin will answer
most of the questions that emerge in his annual message to the
Federal Assembly. Drafting of this crucial document is presently
gathering steam, said Alexander Livschitz. The president will
apparently deliver his message in February, added the Russian
deputy presidential chief-of-staff. 

*******

#15
Jamestown Foundation Monitor
5 January 1998

KREMLIN APPROVES KEY NATIONAL SECURITY GUIDELINES. The Kremlin moved a step
closer -- in formal terms at least -- to injecting greater order into the
functioning of its security and defense establishments when President
Yeltsin in late December approved a "National Security Concept" drafted by
the country's Security Council. The lengthy document is intended to orient
Russian policy-makers under the new conditions of the post-Cold War period.
In the broadest terms, it outlines and prioritizes the major threats to
Russia's security, and establishes a set of domestic and foreign policy
goals aimed at strengthening Russia's geopolitical position. 

Drafting of the national security "concept" began prior to the dissolution
of the Soviet Union, but its completion foundered on international
developments, as well as on the political upheavals that have regularly
rocked the Russian capital and on the related infighting between competing
political groupings. The long failure to reach a consensus on the "concept"
also complicated the Kremlin's efforts to draft a series of other documents,
including the country's military doctrine, that in theory should take the
national security concept as their starting point. Approval of the National
Security Concept could now help clear the way to continuation of the reforms
in Russia's armed forces -- and in the forces of the various other "power
ministries" as well -- that were launched last year following the
appointment of Gen. (now Marshal) Igor Sergeev to the post of Defense
Minister.

The National Security Concept (see Rossiiskaya gazeta, December 26) is based
on a trio of key, and related, assertions: namely, that Russia faces no
immediate danger of large-scale aggression in the post-Cold War era, and
that, because the country is beset with a myriad of debilitating domestic
problems, the greatest threat to Russia's security is now an internal one.
Indeed, the concept describes frankly and at length Russia's economic
difficulties -- which are presented as the greatest threat to national
security -- as well as the political, ethnic, and cultural tensions that
threaten both the country's viability and its territorial integrity. The
document clearly suggests that today's relatively benign international
climate affords Russia an opportunity to direct resources away from the
defense sector in order to concentrate on the rebuilding of its domestic
economy and on resolving other internal tensions. On the whole, it presents
this rebuilding effort within the context of continued democratization and
the building of a market economy in Russia.

The document also states formally what has long been a cornerstone of
Russian foreign policy: i.e., that the rebuilding of Russia is best served
not by a passive diplomatic posture, but rather by an aggressive and
multi-faceted diplomacy that is aimed at winning membership, or increasing
Moscow's influence, in various international organizations, while
simultaneously striving to make Russia a player of import around the globe. 

There are few ideas in the new security concept that have not long been
heard in Russia, and some have already become the basis of existing domestic
or foreign policies. It remains to be seen, however, what sort of reception
the document will receive in Moscow. Of at least equal importance, it also
remains to be seen whether the guidelines laid out so systematically in the
National Security Concept will shape a cohesive approach by the Kremlin to
domestic and foreign policy issues, or whether the document will become
merely one more formal statement of intentions that, in the end, has little
real impact on policy.

*******