July 16, 1997   

This Date's Issues:   1052 •1053 

Johnson's Russia List
#1053
16 July 1997
djohnson@cdi.org

[Note from David Johnson:
1. Laura Belin (RFE/RL): presidential representatives.
2. BBC: Russian Official: It is Possible to Steal a Nuclear 
Bomb.
3. The Independent (UK): Phil Reeves, Modern-day silk road 
that could help satellite slip its handcuffs. (Georgia).
4. Jane's Defence Weekly : Russia will field Topol-M ICBM by 
end of this year.
5. Reuter: Timothy Heritage, Russian arms trader says US, 
others plot against Moscow.
6. Asia Times: Moscow holds high-level meeting on Central Asia.
7. John Isaacs (Council for a Livable World): Preliminary Senate
soundings on NATO enlargement.
8. RIA Novosti: YELTSIN SIGNS DECREE ON PRIORITY MEASURES 
TO REFORM ARMED FORCES AND TO IMPROVE THEIR STRUCTURE.
9. Rossiiskaya Gazeta: RAILROAD TO CONNECT SINGAPORE TO EUROPE.
(DJ: Now here's something really interesting!)
10. Delovoi Mir: BORIS BEREZOVSKY, THE NEWEST OF ALL "NEW 
RUSSIANS."
11. Reuter: Communist to contest key Russian poll result.
12. RIA Novosti: CEC SECRETARY SAYS THERE WERE NO VIOLATIONS 
AT THE ELECTIONS OF NIZHNY NOVGOROD GOVERNOR.
13. Floriana Fossato (RFE/RL): Protest Marches Converge On Moscow.
14. Sonia Winter (RFE/RL): Former Soviet Union: U.S. Senate 
Stresses Equality For Republics.]

********

#1
Date: 16 Jul 1997 17:07:49 U
From: "Laura Belin" <belinl@rferl.org>
Subject: presidential representatives

David,

More details have been published about the presidential decree expanding the
power of Yeltsin's appointed representatives in the regions (JRL, 1050). The
official newspaper of the presidential administration, Rossiiskie vesti, ran a
commentary on the decree on 15 July.

In case you cannot find a translation of that article for posting on JRL, I
enclose two items from RFE/RL's Newsline below. The most contentious aspect of
the decree is probably the point taking away part of the "power of the purse"
from regional governors (that is, giving presidential representatives the
authority to supervise how federal money is spent in the regions).

When the Federation Council returns from its summer recess, I expect that
deputies will appeal against this decree to the Constitutional Court
immediately. It all comes down to how you read Article 78 of the Constitution,
which says:

1. Federal agencies of the executive branch may create territorial agencies
and appoint corresponding officials [to those regional agencies].

2. Federal agencies of the executive branch may, according to an agreement
with executive agencies of Russian Federation subjects, transfer the execution
of some of their powers to [regional executive agencies], if this does not
contradict the Constitution of the Russian Federation or federal laws.

3. Agencies of the executive branch of Russian Federation subjects may,
according to an agreement with federal executive agencies, transfer the
execution of some of their powers to [those federal agencies].

4. The president of the Russian Federation and government of the Russian
Federation, in accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation,
provide for the execution of federal state powers over the whole territory of
the Russian Federation.

The governors will argue that Yeltsin does not have the authority to take
substantial powers away from elected governors and give them to his appointed
representatives. The presidential administration is likely to argue that
section 4 of Article 78 gives Yeltsin the right to appoint officials to
supervise the actions of regional branches of federal agencies.

Yours,
Laura

RFE/RL NEWSLINE
Vol 1, No. 73, Part I, 15 July 1997

PRESIDENTIAL DECREE BROADENS POWERS OF REGIONAL
REPRESENTATIVES. Appointed presidential representatives in
Russian regions have been given substantially broader powers under
a long-anticipated presidential decree issued on 9 July, the official
newspaper "Rossiiskie vesti" reported on 15 July. The appointees will
be responsible for supervising the personnel of regional branches of
federal agencies so that officials in those branches will be less
dependent on local politicians. Presidential representatives will also
coordinate the activities of regional branches of all federal agencies
and will monitor the use of federal funds in the regions. Previously
Yeltsin had granted broad powers only to his representative in
Primorskii Krai, Viktor Kondratov (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 9 June
1997). Kondratov told journalists on 14 July that the new decree
expands his already considerable authority, RFE/RL's correspondent
in Vladivostok reported.

OFFICIAL SPIN ON PRESIDENTIAL DECREE. Anton Fedorov, the head
of the department on coordinating the activities of presidential
representatives in the regions, argued in the 15 July "Rossiiskie
vesti" that Yeltsin's 9 July decree would not put the president into
conflict with elected governors. Rather, Fedorov said, the decree will
"relieve part of the burden" on governors, "giving them the
opportunity to focus on solving local problems." However, regional
officials are sure to object to the decree. By taking powers away from
elected governors, who cannot be fired by Yeltsin, and handing them
to presidential appointees, Yeltsin's new decree represents an
attempt by Moscow to reassert control over the regions. The
Federation Council, which is made up of regional leaders, recently
asked Yeltsin to revise his May decrees granting extensive powers to
his representative in Primorskii Krai, saying those decrees were
unconstitutional (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 8 July 1997).

*********

#2
Date: Wed, 16 Jul 1997 08:30:16 -0400
From: DCulp@nrdc.org (David Culp)
Subject: Russian Official: It is Possible to Steal a Nuclear Bomb

A few people have asked "Why this interest in the Nunn-Lugar program?" 
This interview from yesterday's Moscow TV provides a partial answer.

BBC Summary of World Broadcasts
Wednesday, July 16, 1997
Official claims it is possible and easy to steal a nuclear bomb
Russia TV channel, Moscow 

[Presenter] A rather unfavourable situation has taken shape in Russia 
regarding the protection of nuclear materials and ammunition. Vladimir 
Orlov, the director of a political research centre {Center for 
Political Studies, Moscow}, reported this to journalists today [14th 
July]. An absolutely dreadful assertion was made at the news 
conference: it is possible to steal a nuclear bomb and, moreover, it 
is not difficult to steal one. 

[Correspondent] It is possible to steal a nuclear bomb. It took the 
director of a political research centre, Orlov, and a representative 
of the Institute of Physics and Power Engineering {Obninsk, Russia}, 
{Dr. Gennady M.} Pshakin, half an hour to persuade journalists of 
this. It is not difficult to steal a nuclear bomb. This is the 
conclusion drawn from today's news conference on the problems of 
Russia's nuclear safety. 

Today we again heard that the physical protection of weapons-grade 
nuclear material is in a poor state. What can one say if the staff of 
the Gosatomnadzor [the Russian Federal Monitoring Authority for 
Nuclear and Radiation Safety] find holes in the fences of nuclear 
facilities? 

[Orlov] Even where there are no holes in the fences, protection by the 
Interior Ministry's Internal Troops is being replaced at a number of 
facilities, but not at all of them, by old ladies employed by the 
paramilitary guard detachment because it is believed that this is 
cheaper.

[Correspondent] The threat of theft may affect not just enterprises of 
the nuclear complex and munitions dumps alone. The degree of risk also 
rises during transportation. This applies especially to the freight of 
the Defence Ministry, which poses a nuclear danger. 

[Orlov] The ministry is very short of vehicles, especially those 
equipped to protect the ammunition from bullets and fragments, and 
against fire and overturning. 

[Correspondent] The degree of responsibility on the part of personnel 
working in closed towns and military units is also gradually nearing 
the critical mark. People, who have not been paid for months and who 
cannot ensure the financial security of their families, do not have 
time for the nuclear safety of a country which does not appreciate 
them. 

[Orlov] Real wages paid to people working with nuclear weapons in 
Sarov at Arzamas-16 were 30 per cent of the subsistence wage, and 
these are the people who are literally holding a nuclear bomb in their 
hands. 

[Correspondent] Senior Russian officials, of course, know about the 
poor state of the safety of the country's nuclear complex. At present, 
they are trying to ensure their safety and look for those to blame in 
the most inappropriate places.

[Orlov] Reports we receive from the Interior Ministry and the Federal 
Security Service testify to the following position of Russian 
departments: the more journalists write about the problems of nuclear 
thefts, the more cases of theft there are. 
###
Note: The three items in {braces} were added to the original BBC 
transcript.
| David Culp | E-mail: dculp@nrdc.org | 
| Plutonium Challenge | Tel. +1 (202) 289-2388 | 
| Washington, D.C. | Fax +1 (202) 289-1060 |

*********

#3
The Independent (UK)
16 July 1997
[for personal use only]
Modern-day silk road that could help satellite slip its handcuffs 
By Phil Reeves 

Poti - Armed with nothing but a dog-eared notebook and a telephone, Igor 
Ignatev stands in his watchtower and scans the flat haze of the Black 
Sea. A fishing boat chugs out of port, so he jots down its details. 

All perfectly normal behaviour for an official supervising a harbour, 
you might think - except for one detail: this is Georgian territory, and 
yet the badge on Mr Ignatev's khaki fatigues reveals that he is a 
Russian border guard. 

At the base of his watchtower, lies the port of Poti. With its rusting 
cargo ships and weed-choked promenades, it looks like any other former 
Soviet harbour, which age is withering. But this town of 51,000 is 
enjoying a growth in strategic importance that others cannot boast. It 
is becoming the gateway for a transport corridor linking Europe with the 
Caspian Sea, a pathway which Georgia hopes will eventually be a modern 
variant of the ancient Silk Road that linked China with the 
Mediterranean. 

The catalyst for this process is neighbouring Azerbaijan. There, the 
international race to exploit the Caspian Sea's vast oil reserves is 
fast gathering pace in the capital city of Baku. Supplies demanded by 
this star-burst of economic activity are travelling by rail and road 
through Georgia. 

Every day, a steady flow of lorries from Poti and its neighbouring port 
of Batumi rumble eastwards across a pot-holed highway to feed the needs 
of of the world's oil gladiators; BP is in Baku; so is Amoco, Exxon, 
Unocal, Total and more. 

But at the entrance to the corridor stand the Russians. If, from his 
tower, Mr Ignatev spots a ship breaking the law - for instance, by 
trying to sneak out of Poti without paying harbour fees- Russian 
coastguards will be dispatched to intercept it. Six years after Georgia 
acquired independence, Moscow's forces are still in the republic. Russia 
has four military bases in Georgia, its troops stand on the border with 
Turkey, and Russian patrol vessels continue to throw their weight around 
in their Black Sea waters. 

The art of diplomacy is not their strongest point. In recent months, the 
coastguards have shot dead a Turkish fisherman, and fired across the 
bows of a Greek vessel. Border guards also arrested the crew of an 
allegedly errant Ukrainian ship and flew them back to Moscow. 

The latter was "a scandal ... the greatest violation of our 
sovereignty", complained Peter Mamradze, chief of staff to Georgia's 
president, Eduard Shevardnadze. Whilst the border guards are in Georgia 
on contract (filling in, while Tbilisi sets up a force of its own), 
there is "no legal basis for their coastguards to be in Poti, or 
defending the coast of Georgia". 

For Georgians, all this strikes to the heart of a basic issue: is Russia 
trying to compromise their sovereignty? Several years ago, the 
geopolitical picture seemed fairly clear. Russia had supplied arms and 
aircraft to Abkhazians fighting for independence from Tbilisi. Georgia 
was (and still is) convinced that Moscow's security services 
masterminded the 1995 assassination attempt against Mr Shevardnadze. 
Meddling in Georgia to keep it divided and dependent seemed to be the 
Kremlin strategy. 

Now Georgians say that Moscow has become more moderate. The so-called 
"new pragmatists" in the Yeltsin administration talk about co-operation 
and sharing the spoils of the Caspian oil. Yet hardliners still lurk 
within Russia's foreign and defence ministries, who are itching to call 
the shots again. 

A reminder of Russia's nastier impulses came in March, when one of 
Moscow's leading newspapers, Nezavisimaya Gazeta published an anonymous 
article warning that the oil bonanza in the Caucasus meant that it was 
in danger of slipping from Russia's grasp. Only "destabilisation in 
Georgia and Azerbaijan is capable of preventing the consolidation of 
state power in these republics on an anti-Russian basis", it concluded. 

Complicating the issue is the suspicion that some elements in Russia 
want to stop Georgia being selected as the route for the main export 
pipeline (as opposed to two already agreed smaller pipelines) which will 
eventually carry the bulk of Azeri oil to western markets. Moscow wants 
the pipe to run through southern Russia. 

As the two countries struggle to define their post-Soviet relationship, 
the creation of a transport corridor linking Kiev with Tbilisi, Baku and 
Central Asia could play a critical part. Not only will it help resurrect 
Georgia' economy that - according to official estimates - shrank by 75 
per cent during the anarchy that followed independence in 1991. It will 
also help make the shaky independence of this nation of 5 million people 
more concrete. 

No one disputes that Russia will always exert a powerful influence over 
Georgia - geography, Christianity, a shared Soviet past, military 
connections, and cultural forces, make that inevitable. But a new "silk 
road" that does not go through Russia could finally loosen the handcuffs 
that have for centuries connected Moscow and Tbilisi. That is what the 
Georgians hope. Whether Moscow can stomach it remains to be seen. 

**********

#4
Russia will field Topol-M ICBM by end of this year 
Jane's Defence Weekly 
July 16, 1997 
[for personal use only]

Russia will declare its SS-27 inter-continental ballistic missile (ICBM) 
operational by the end of the year. 

The missile, known as the Topol-M, was successfully launched by the 
Plesetsk cosmodrome on 8 July. It was the fourth test launch and the 
last before a regiment of the mobile, single-warhead, three-staged, 
solid-fuelled missiles goes on combat duty. 
"In the 21st century Russia will remain a leading nuclear power, thus 
ensuring global strategic stability," said Col Gen Vladimir Yakovlev, 
new Commander-in-Chief of Russia's Strategic Missile Forces (SMF). 
Gen Yakovlev said that development of the SS-27 over the past four years 
had been slowed by irregular and limited funding. 
The SS-27, a development of the SS-25 Topol mobile ICBM, is five to six 
years ahead of foreign solid-fuelled ICBMs. It will form the nucleus of 
Russia's future nuclear deterrent, he added. It is believed to have a 
10,500km range. 
In compliance with the Russian-US Strategic Arms Reduction Treaties, 
which call for the elimination of multiple warhead ground-launched 
missiles, the SS-27 will be deployed with a single warhead. 
Only half of the SS-27 inventory will be deployed on modified SS-25 
Transporter- Erector-Launchers; the others will be deployed in 90 of the 
360 silos being vacated by retired SS-18 `Satan' (RS-20) ICBMs. These 
are located in Russia's central Valday region, the Saratov region in the 
southern Urals, and Altai. 
The SMF comprises four missile armies, 19 divisions, 756 launching pads 
and 3,535 nuclear warheads. 
Gen Yakovlev said that reforms within the SMF will see a 10 to 15 per 
cent personnel reduction, a regrouping of combat forces, and the 
introduction of new missiles and command and control systems. 
He believes that the warhead inventory could be reduced to between 2,000 
and 2,500. 
The RS-18 (SS-19 `Stileto') two-stage ICBM will remain in service until 
2007, although it will be fitted with a single warhead. 
Gen Yakovlev said the reorganisation would result in annual savings of 
Rb1 billion ($160 million). 

*********

#5
Russian arms trader says US, others plot against Moscow
By Timothy Heritage 
July 15, 1997
MOSCOW (Reuter) - Russia's biggest arms exporter Tuesday accused foreign and
domestic rivals, including the U.S. authorities, of waging a campaign to
prevent it from completing lucrative new contracts. 
Alexander Kotelkin, general director of multibillion-dollar state arms
agency
Rosvooruzheniye, fired his salvo after a series of Russian newspaper reports
critical of his company. 
``Propaganda campaigns against Rosvooruzheniye, the largest Russian
exporter
of arms and military technology, usually surface on the eve of signing major
contracts,'' the Itar-Tass news agency quoted Kotelkin as saying. 
``Their initiators are Russia's competitors abroad and corrupt
structures at
home who are trying to take control of the export of promising Russian
military high technology.'' 
Tass quoted Kotelkin as saying a contract with Indonesia could be a ``huge
breakthrough for Russia in the arms market in Southeast Asia, which was
formerly under the complete control of the United States.'' 
Indonesia canceled a plan to buy nine American F-16 fighter jets in May in
response to congressional criticism and has since expressed interest in
buying Russian MiG-29 and Sukhoi-30 jets, radars, guided missiles and
helicopters. 
Moscow's view is that Washington has taken advantage of Russia's political
and economic problems since the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 to boost its
share of the arms market. But the Kremlin said last October that Russian arms
sales were booming. 
In an interview published Tuesday by the newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta,
Kotelkin said Washington was trying to persuade several other countries not
to buy Russian arms and that he expected no favors from George Tenet, the new
chief of the Central Intelligence Agency. 
``We are especially worried that the official U.S. leadership has joined
the
battle against Rosvooruzheniye, putting unprecedented pressure on the
governments and presidents of countries which are ready to become our
potential clients -- Colombia, South Korea, Cyprus and others,'' he said. 
Critical Russian newspapers reports included accusations by the weekly
Novaya
Gazeta that Rosvooruzheniye made illegal arms sales and diverted proceeds to
a secret fund for President Boris Yeltsin's re-election campaign last year. 
Rosvooruzheniye has denied any wrongdoing. 
Other Russian companies have accused Rosvooruzheniye of using aggressive
tactics against domestic competitors. 
One regional leader in parliament said this month Rosvooruzheniye had
gotten
in the way of a firm in his region's attempt to sell its products abroad and
rivals have complained that it amounts to a state monopoly. 
Kotelkin told Nezavisimaya Gazeta that Rosvooruzheniye had built up its
domination of the market by virtue of hard work. 
He said it was responsible for 95 percent of Russian arms sales and its
exports in 1996 reached $3.5 billion. 
Rosvooruzheniye had contracts now worth $7 billion and hoped to increase
the
amount to $9 billion by the end of the year, he said. 

********

#6
Asia Times
15 July 1997
[for personal use only]
Moscow holds high-level meeting on Central Asia

Earlier this month, an unnamed Russian deputy prime minister presided over
a very special closed-door meeting attended by representatives from the
Foreign Ministry, the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations, the Foreign
Intelligence Service (SVR), the Defense Ministry and other power structures. 
Sources close to the Kremlin say the discussion centered on one issue:
Influences affecting former Soviet Central Asian republics and Afghanistan,
and how to prevent the Taliban militia from consolidating sovereignty.
After much debate and analysis, President Boris Yeltsin's administration
believes that Taliban control over Afghanistan would result in a real and
credible threat to Russian national interests. 
Aggravating that threat are negotiations currently underway between the
Taliban, who control about 70 percent of Afghanistan's territory on any
given day, and international oil companies, such as the United States
conglomerate Unocal and the Argentine firm Bridas, which are eager to
construct and operate an oil and gas pipeline project from Turkmenistan
through Afghanistan and Pakistan, to an envisioned terminus near Karachi. 
The Kremlin is deeply worried about the implications of this pipeline
project, which would enrich and thus strengthen the Taliban. A successful
deal to transport Turkmen oil and gas through Afghanistan and Pakistan
would likely also prevent Moscow from participating, and would mean the
loss of huge potential profits. Such a project would, according to Kremlin
sources, undermine Russian economic and political interests. 
If, on the other hand, a pipeline from Turkmenistan to the Arabian Gulf was
constructed through Iran instead of Afghanistan and Pakistan, Russia would
certainly stand to reap large financial gains, as would Indian interests. 
After a prolonged period of waffling by Moscow on maintaining ties with
former Soviet Central Asian republics, due to severe internal financial and
political constraints, the Kremlin has now decided that Central Asia is
within its legitimate sphere of geopolitical and strategic economic
influence. Moscow's interests, therefore, must be assertively reinforced. 
According to the analysis favored by Yeltsin and his administration, if the
Taliban are successful in their efforts to consolidate power in
Afghanistan, the Unocal/Bridas pipeline project would be implemented
without delay. With pipeline revenue pouring into Taliban coffers, Moscow
believes the fundamentalist regime would waste no time in fomenting its
brand of Islamic fervor in other Central Asian republics, beginning
probably with Turkmenistan. 
To prevent such a calamity from occurring, sources say, Moscow has ordered
a high-level interdepartmental committee to study "specific means" by which
Russia might be able to "influence events in Central Asia to prevent
unwanted and undesired developments". 

*********

#7
Date: Wed, 16 Jul 97 09:02:16 CDT
From: jdi@clw.org (John Isaacs)
To: Multiple recipients of list <can-budget@pencil.math.missouri.edu>
Subject: Preliminary Senate soundings on NATO enlargement

A preliminary survey of Senate offices shows that while proponents of NATO
enlargement are ahead of opponents, backers are well-short of the two-thirds
majority necessary to approve the acceptance of Poland, Hungary and the
Czech Republic.

This survey was completed during the week of the Madrid summit in which the
three countries were formally invited.

The vote totals, put together office-by-office, shows that 50 Senators are
now definitely or leaning in favor of the first wave of NATO enlargement.
It is therefore evident that the Clinton Administration has support of half
the Senate, far short of the 67 votes they will need to approve the NATO
treaty modification.

Twenty-six Senators, most of whom signed a recent letter circulated by Texas
Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison, have indicated some degree of skepticism about
NATO enlargement and are the most likely opponents. 

It is important to note, however, that a Senators' doubt today will not
necessarily translate into a vote against NATO enlargement when the vote
occurs next year. Twenty-one Senators have indicated no position -- or
appear to have taken contradictory positions. Four offices could not be
reached.

It is significant to note that the NATO enlargement issue shows no party or
ideological boundaries: Both sides include Democrats and Republicans,
conservative, moderates and liberals. For example, there are 14 Republicans
and 12 Democrats in the "skeptical" category.

The Senate will not vote on NATO enlargement until some time in 1998,
probably the spring or summer. The 16 present members of NATO will spend
the next months negotiating formal accession agreements with Poland, Hungary
and the Czech Republic. At the same time, the Clinton team and the other
countries will be building their public case. Those agreements will be
submitted to the Senate for a vote next year.

Last updated 7/15/97

N.B. The following columns indicate present thinking and do not necessarily
predict a vote a year away.

Definitely/leaning for (50)
Abraham (S)
Akaka
Allard
Biden (R)
Bond
Boxer
Breaux (V)(C)
Brownback (C)
Bryan
Cleland (H)
Coats (H)(C)
Cochran (S)
Conrad
Coverdell
D'Amato
DeWine (R)
Domenici
Durbin
Enzi (S)
Feingold
Feinstein
Gorton (S)
Grams
Grassley
Hagel (R)
Hatch (R)(S)
Helms
Hollings
Inouye
Johnson
Kennedy (H)
Kohl
Kyl
Levin
Landrieu
Lieberman (R)(S)
Lott (R)(S)
Lugar (R)(S)
Mack (R)
McCain (S)
McConnell (S)
Mikulski (S)
Moseley-Braun (R)(S)
Roth (S)(R)
Santorum (S)
Smith - Ore. (C)
Specter (S)
Thompson
Thurmond (H)
Torricelli

Undecided/contradictory positions (20)
Ashcroft
Baucus
Collins
Daschle
Dodd
Ford
Graham
Gramm
Hutchison-Ark
Kerry
Murray
Nickles
Reed
Reid
Rockefeller
Shelby
Smith-NH
Snowe
Stevens (S)
Wyden (V)

Unknown position (4)
Byrd
Frist
Gregg
Murkowski

Skeptics, potential opponents (26)
Bennett (HU)
Bingaman (H)
Bumpers (HU)(V)
Burns (HU)
Campbell (HU)
Chafee (V)
Craig (HU)
Dorgan (HU)(V)
Faircloth (HU)
Glenn
Harkin (HU)(V)
Hutchison -Texas (HU)(V)
Inhofe
Jeffords - Vt. (HU)(V)
Kempthorne (H)(HU)
Kerrey-NE (HU)(V)
Lautenberg
Leahy - (HU)(H)(V)
Moynihan
Robb
Roberts (H)(HU)
Sarbanes
Sessions (HU)
Thomas (HU)(V)
Warner (H)(HU)
Wellstone (HU)

Source of information
S - Sponsored pro-NATO expansion amend.
H - hearing
R - signed Roth pro-expansion letter
HU - signed Hutchison skeptical letter
C - Co-sponsored Coats pro amend.
V - voted against 1996 NATO facilitation act

John Isaacs
President
Council for a Livable World
110 Maryland Avenue, NE Suite 409
Washington, DC 20002
V: (202) 543-4100
F: (202) 543-6297

**********

#8
YELTSIN SIGNS DECREE ON PRIORITY MEASURES TO REFORM ARMED
FORCES AND TO IMPROVE THEIR STRUCTURE
PETROZAVODSK, JULY 16 (RIA NOVOSTI CORRESPONDENT ALEXANDER
KRYLOVICH). Russian President Boris Yeltsin today signed a
decree on priority measures related to reformation of Russia`s
Armed Forces and improvement of their structure. He put his
signature under this document in the course of his meeting with
Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin.
After the conversation Yeltsin reported to journalists on a
serious change in the structure of the armed forces. In
particular, the strategic rocket forces, military space forces
and space defense forces will be united in a single arm of the
service, rocket forces. The territorial districts will be also
subjected to serious re-structuring, from now one they will be
"of operative-territorial nature." As it was reported earlier,
the armed forces will be cut down by 500,000 servicemen, not
including civilians who work in the army.
In line with the decree, Yeltsin said, there will be no
post of commander-in-chief of the Land forces. The air defense
forces and air forces will be united within Russia`s Air
Forces.
As Yeltsin said, the decree establishes the limit of
appropriations for the maintenance of the Defense Ministry
apparatus, one percent of the budget. This is a very serious
reduction, Yeltsin said. The road construction forces will be
also annulled in line with the presidential decree. The
detachments formerly assigned to the road construction forces
will be subordinate to the Federal Road Service.
Yeltsin said that he has signed one more decree today which
concerns "specialized organizations." While explaining the
decree, Yeltsin said that until now there have existed numerous
closed organizations with a restricted access, for mass media as
well. "It is necessary to unseal them," he said. 

********

#9
>From RIA Novosti
Rossiiskaya Gazeta
16 July 1997
RAILROAD TO CONNECT SINGAPORE TO EUROPE
By Olga KOZLOVA

Russia's railroads may become a part of the
giant project to build a transcontinental railroad
from Singapore to Europe.
The project was in the focus of yesterday's meeting of
Russia's Minister of Railroads Nikolai Aksenenko and Malaysia's
Minister of Transport Ling Liong Sik, the project's
coordinator. 
The idea to build the railroad was first voiced at the
March 1996 Bangkok summit. There are plans to use the railroad
network of the Southeast Asian countries and China. From there
on, there may be three routes, the choice to be made by the
interested parties: Beijing-Mongolia-Trans-Siberian railroad,
Beijing-Druzhba-Kazakhstan-Trans-Siberian railroad, or
Beijing-Druzhba-Kazakhstan-Turkmenia and on via Iran and Turkey
in circumvention of Russia. 
The project involving a railroad from Europe to Southeast
Asia has a direct bearing on Russia's economic interests. The
inclusion of the Trans-Siberian railroad into the project would
promote trade and economic relations between Asian regions,
including Siberia and the Russian Far East.

********

#10
>From RIA Novosti
Delovoi Mir
16 July 1997 
BORIS BEREZOVSKY, THE NEWEST OF ALL "NEW RUSSIANS"
By Vitaly BUZA

Today is the deadline for the submission of
declarations of incomes and property by ranking
government officials, established by the relevant
Presidential decree.

Boris Berezovsky, deputy secretary of the RF Security
Council and a most odious figure of all sorts of personal
wealth ratings, is violating the law: he has not submitted a
declaration of his incomes and property, reminds the American
Forbes Magazine. This rather popular western publication has
placed a regular rating of the wealthiest people on the planet.
The magazine recognises Berezovsky, whose personal wealth
is believed to stand at US$ 3 billion, as the newest of all
"New Russians."
The Forbes Magazine mentions five other Russians in the
nominations of the wealthiest people, the most active people,
and the wealthiest monarchs, dictators and heirs: Mikhail
Khodorkovsky, Vagit Alekperov, Rem Vyakhirev, Vladimir Potanin
and Vladimir Gusinsky.
The Forbes publication is amusing but, alas, incomplete.
Ideally, such ratings should be followed by a detailed
description of assessing one's wealth. 
The logic of the Forbes experts is unknown. But this may
be of no importance for the American readership: the magazine
has long been known to be a most prestigious business
publication. 
The seed thrown by an American hand may not germinate on
the Russian soil: pathological envy is yet to root in Russia.
Moreover, many Russians are seeing the listed persons as
innocent victims of slander.

Everybody remembers the just business public indignation
following the publication of an article on the incomes of
premier Viktor Chernomyrdin in Le Monde and an article of
Berezovsky's connections with the mafia in the very same Forbes
magazine. Incidentally, the French magazine has apologised, and
the American case is being heard in court...

Forbes Rating of Business People in Russia
----------------------------------------------------
Name Personal wealth (bln. dollars)
----------------------------------------------------
Berezovsky 3.0
Khodorkovsky 2.4
Alekperov 1.4
Vyakhirev 1.1
Potanin 0.7
Gusinsky 0.4
----------------------------------------------------
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#11
Communist to contest key Russian poll result
16 July 1997
MOSCOW (Reuter) - Defeated communist Gennady Khodyrev plans to go to court
to challenge the election victory of his reformist rival in Russia's key
Nizhny Novgorod region, Itar-Tass news agency said Wednesday. 
Tass quoted Khodyrev's election headquarters as saying he was filing a
court claim over voting infringements. 
"Khodyrev, who lost to Ivan Sklyarov...by a few percentage points, said
today that he had found a mass of violations in the electoral law and so
would protest the result," Tass said. 
It said Khodyrev thought it suspicious that Sklyarov's victory Sunday
had been largely assured by votes cast early or at home. He also did not
believe that 43,000 people could have cast their ballots between 10 and 11
p.m, Tass said. 
The Nizhny Novgorod election was held to replace Boris Nemtsov, the
golden boy summoned by President Boris Yeltsin in March to become a first
deputy prime minister. 
The outcome was a relief for the Kremlin after a tough campaign battle
following a close result in the first round. The opposition argued that the
people of Nizhny Novgorod region had been misled by an aggressive
pro-government campaign. 
Sklyarov, the 49-year-old mayor of Nizhny Novgorod city, won 52 percent
of the votes in Sunday's election which was widely seen as a litmus test
for liberal reforms pioneered in the region on the Volga river in the early
1990s. 
Khodyrev, who ran the region, then known as Gorky, in the Soviet era
received 42 percent. Turnout was 49 percent. 
Representatives of Khodyrev's election headquarters were not available
for comment. But Pavel Vakhramov, an electoral commission consultant, told
Reuters by telephone from Nizhny Novgorod that he had heard nothing of
Khodyrev's claims.

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#12
CEC SECRETARY SAYS THERE WERE NO VIOLATIONS AT THE
ELECTIONS OF NIZHNY NOVGOROD GOVERNOR
MOSCOW, JULY 16 (RIA NOVOSTI CORRESPONDENT MARIYA
BALYNINA). Representatives of Russia`s Central Election
Commission who were at the regions` electoral districts during
the elections of the Nizhny Novgorod governor have not presented
any information on any cruel violations of legislation, CEC
secretary Alexander Veshnyakov said in an interview with a RIA
NOVOSTI corresponding commenting on the statement of former
candidate to the governorship Gennady Khodyrev. The latter, a
member of the communist part of Russia, said that there were
allegedly "mass violations of electoral legislation."
As it was reported earlier, Khodyrev`s election
headquarters today distributed a statement saying the law on
elections of head of the regional administration was violated.
Khodyrev said he intends to appeal against results of the
elections because the early vote organized in the region
"causes suspicion."
Veshnyakov said that the procedure of early elections in
which participated about 40,000 Nizhny Novgorod electors is
foreseen by the acting law adopted by the regional Duma. Of
course, the former candidate to the governorship has the right
to doubt regarding results of the elections, but he must present
weighty proofs to the corresponding structures.
For his part, chairman of the election commission of the
Nizhny Novgorod region Anatoly Nekrasov assumed in a
conversation with a RIA NOVOSTI correspondent that Khodyrev's
move "is dictated by emotions stirred up by deputies of the
State Duma representing the communist party." He said that
supervisors from the communist party were present during the
elections at the polling stations, however they have not
presented any remarks until now. 

******

#13
Russia: Protest Marches Converge On Moscow
By Floriana Fossato

Moscow, 16 July 1997 (RFE/RL) - Workers from several Russian nuclear power
plants have been marching toward Moscow since July 3 to protest wage
arrears and dangerous working conditions, and have now reached the
outskirts of the Russian capital. 
Tomorrow, they plan to picket the Russian Government Building (The White
House). A separate march that began July 12 organized by Viktor Ampilov's
hardline-communist "Working Russia" movement also plans to reach Moscow by
Friday, to stage a protest rally on Red Square. 
The first march was organized by workers of the Smolensk nuclear power
plant in Desnogorsk, about 360 kilometers southwest of Moscow. The marchers
- varying between 60 and more than 100 - walked on foot the entire
distance, and were joined later by colleagues from the Kalinin, Leningrad,
Kola and Novovoronezh nuclear power plants. During the march,
reinforcements arrived regularly from each plant, and numbers swell
significantly in the last days.
Moscow's Trade Union Federation today issued a statement, saying it
supports the marchers and is ready to help them with transport, food and
other facilities. The Trade Union Federation says the government owes about
147 billion rubles in back wages to workers in the nuclear energy sector. 
The protesters, who have been camping since last night near Moscow's
outer ring road, say they are concerned not only with the promised payment
of their back wages, but also with dangerous working conditions, due to
inadequate funding by federal authorities. 
Protester organizers, referring to the 1986 accident at Chornobyl in
Ukraine, said they are concerned "another Chornobyl could happen in the
future." And, they asserted that Russia "had already come close to it." 
Echoing criticism widely leveled in the past few years, protesters also
noted that the industry's development has been impaired nationally by a
chronic lack of funding for urgent maintenance and safety work. They said
that if funds are not provided, thousands of workers in the sector may lose
their jobs. According to figures provided by marchers, more than $400
million is needed to make the Smolensk nuclear power plant safe. The
situation is reported similar in the majority of Russia's other nuclear
facilities.
Russian news agencies recently quoted the chairman of the Smolensk
plant's trade union, Vyacheslav Vorobev, as saying Prime Minister Viktor
Chernomyrdin and one of his First Deputies, Boris Nemtsov, signed protocols
this year, promising to come up with funding for repair works at the
plant's obsolete reactor. Vorobev was quoted as saying that, although the
funding has been authorized, it had not been distributed. Vorobev said this
fact had prompted the Smolensk station workers to march on Russia's White
House.
Itar-Tass quoted protesters as saying they intend tomorrow to demand a
meeting with Nemtsov to discuss the situation. The protesters said their
march had nothing in common with partisan politics, and with a separate
march expected to converge this week on Moscow. The other march was
organized by Ampilov's communist movement "Working Russia," and by another
radical opposition movement, the "Officers' Union" of Stanislav Terekhov. 
Ampilov and Terekhov's march started last week from two southern Russian
cities, Tula (150 kms from Moscow) and Ryazan (300 kms from Moscow), and is
expected to arrive in Moscow Friday, and to be concluded by an opposition
rally in Red Square. Participants are reported to number far fewer than the
20,000 expected by organizers. Reports in Russian media said combined
forces of the protesters reached several hundred people. 
Banners carried by the protesters include such requests as the formation
of a new government, the removal of First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoly
Chubais, the payment of salaries and support for Russia's Armed Forces.
Russian press reports say communist party activists are participating in
the march, although top communist party leaders seemed to distance
themselves from it. A top Communist Party leader was quoted today as saying
that the march "will continue, but will surely fail to influence the
situation in the country." 

********

#14
Former Soviet Union: U.S. Senate Stresses Equality For Republics
By Sonia Winter

Washington, 16 July 1997 (RFE/RL) - U.S. Senators inquiring into State
Department nominees for top jobs dealing with Russia and other countries in
the region have expressed concern that non-Russian states get fair
treatment from the United States.
Senator Gordon Smith (R-Oregon) said Tuesday that U.S. foreign policy
does not properly support the independence and sovereignty of every state
that has emerged from the break-up of the Soviet Union.
He attributed this in part to a historical habit of viewing events
through Moscow's perspective and said an effort must be made to change the
U.S. approach. "Our policies must first and foremost emphasize the right of
every state to retain its independence and the right to reject efforts by
larger states to extend a sphere of influence," Gordon said.
He made the statement at the start of a hearing by the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee to confirm the appointments of Marc Grossman as
Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs, Stephen
Sestanovich as Special Adviser and Coordinator for the newly independent
states, and James Collins as U.S. Ambassador to Russia, as well as John
Kornblum nominated to be U.S. Ambassador to Germany.
Panel members praised Kornblum and Collins as being excellent choices
for the posts. They are experienced diplomats, speak German and Russian
respectively and have already served at U.S. embassies in those countries.
Collins said an important aspect of his work will be the whole area of
law enforcement. He said a new expert team has formed at the U.S. embassy
in Moscow that is developing close cooperation on crime and law enforcement
issues with Russian authorities.
Asked about a religious bill recently approved by the Russian parliament
and sent to president Boris Yeltsin for consideration, Collins condemned
it, saying "it would be a step backward for Russia... and would have
negative consequences for our relations."
He said the U.S. supports expanding freedoms in Russia and other
countries in the region. The bill places severe restrictions on all
religious groups except the Russian Orthodox Church.
Collins said the U.S. is trying to ensure that all in Russia who have a
voice in the matter understand the negative consequences for freedom of
religion and expression of passing this law.
Smith, who presided over the hearing, said Committee members are in full
accord with this approach.
He and others on the panel, Democrats as well as Republicans reserved
the toughest questions for Sestanovich, asking him to explain articles and
analyses he has written over the past three years opposing NATO expansion
and seeming to support a Russian sphere of influence over the area of the
former Soviet Union.
Sestanovich said his views have been misunderstood, especially his
references to the historical example of Finland.
He said that in the Soviet era, Finland was a state that managed to
genuinely expand its sovereignty and independence while the independence of
states within the Soviet Union remained nominal.
Choosing his words carefully, Sestanovich said "the kind of influence
that Russia exerts over states in its neighborhood will be a crucial
ingredient in U.S. policy toward them and in the world's judgment about
whether Russia is becoming a normal, legitimate power."
In an oblique reference to the Baltic states, Sestanovich said no
country in the region should feel constrained by Russia in its choice of
defensive alliances. He said he supports U.S. policy aimed at increasing
the freedom of choice for states on Russia's borders.
He added that he does "not believe that Russia deserves a paramount
position over these states."
Asked about his well-known opposition to NATO expansion, Sestanovich
admitted he had been, as he put it "a skeptic" because he was afraid the
U.S. would not succeed in simultaneously integrating Central Europe into
western institutions and drawing the states of the former Soviet Union into
cooperative relationships with the West. "My fear was that we'd end up
serving one (goal) at the expense of the other," he said.
But Sestanovich said the U.S. has managed to serve both interests in a
balanced way and he feels able now to support this kind of policy.
The Senate Foreign Relations Committee will consider each nomination and
vote on whether to accept or reject it in a recommendation to the full
Senate which holds a final vote on the matter. 
A congressional aide said the Committee vote might come at the next
business meeting before the end of the week but she said the nominations
have not been scheduled yet on the Senate calendar. 

*********