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Siberia's Restless Slumber
- JRL 2012-106

KRASNOYARSK, June 11 (RIA Novosti, Alexey Eremenko) - It's hard to protest against the Kremlin on the shores of Yenisei River, Krasnoyarsk blogger and journalist Alexander Konovalov said, sipping ice cold lemonade on a piping hot June afternoon in eastern Siberia.

"Everybody understands it won't change anything," he said, sitting in the cafe that almost overlooks one of the world's biggest rivers, 4,000 kilometers east of Moscow.

"But the mood has changed," Konovalov added. "It's not on the brink of explosion, but something's brewing."

He spoke on the eve of mayoral elections in Krasnoyarsk, a major regional center in eastern Siberia which voted for a candidate of the ruling United Russia party, Edkham Akbulatov, who was first past the post with 69 percent on Sunday.

The Kremlin intends to tout the vote as a sign of the provinces' loyalty after a string of setbacks at regional elections nationwide, said local political analyst Alexander Chernyavsky. But that would be a mistake, he said.

Several things clicked together to ensure the ruling party's victory on Sunday, among them lack of strong opposition figures and specifics of the mayoral elections, where managerial track record counts for more than political allegiances, said Konovalov.

However, protest mood is still riding strong and will likely show in full force at the next vote, he said.

Ballots Not Rallies

In December, Krasnoyarsk showed taste for political independence, voting 31 percent for United Russia in the parliamentary elections, compared to the party's nationwide score of 49 percent.

The elections, which came with allegations of widespread vote rigging, sparked a wave of protests in Moscow which is still ongoing, bringing out tens of thousands to anti-Kremlin rallies, the latest of which is set for Tuesday.

However, the rest of the country failed to follow, Krasnoyarsk no exception. The turnout at the biggest protest event in December was 3,000, said Denis Styazhkin, head of the city branch of Solidarity opposition group.

After presidential elections in March, won by Vladimir Putin with 63 percent (he got 55 percent in Krasnoyarsk), the opposition in Moscow began to call regional elections a new battleground.

Since March, United Russia candidates lost elections in big cities of Yaroslavl and Togliatti and northern regional capital Naryan-Mar, and faced a tough fight in the southern city of Astrakhan, where an opposition champion went on a hunger strike for 40 days, insisting his victory was stolen through vote fraud. The scandal made headlines for weeks and the allegations are still being considered by a local court.

Vote Plush

The most memorable opposition candidate to apply for mayoral elections in Krasnoyarsk was Vasily Vasilyevich ­ a cute plush cat fielded by journalist Konovalov.

"He's just different," Konovalov said, almost keeping a straight face, when asked for the reason to vote the cat ­ who was, predictably, not allowed on the ballot. "But he wouldn't appear [in the election] if we had normal candidates."

There were 10 opposition contenders sanctioned to run, including favorites Alexander Koropachinsky, 55, a real estate developer and a former United Russia member, and Mikhail Oskolkov, 36, a Communist nominee who lists Ayn Rand among his favorite books on Vkontakte social network.

Attempt was made to cull the numbers through primaries, but it did little to boost unity as four of them were staged. Both Oskolkov and Koropachinsky stayed in the race, accusing each other of being secretly in cahoots with United Russia.

Allegations were never proven, but ruling party's Akbulatov did capitalize on the opposition's split. Koropachinsky won 11 percent of the vote and Oskolkov a mere 4 percent, with another 12 percent won by independent Alexei Podkorytov.

New Manager

"Mayoral elections are about civic matters first of all," Koropachinsky said as he summarized the city's top five problems, from ecology to lack of schools and kindergartens.

"The voters care for managerial, not political agenda," said analyst Chernyavsky. It had benefited Akbulatov, who has worked in the regional government since 2002, he said.

The city is in fact starving for change after 15 years under previous mayor Pyotr Pimashkov, said Moscow-based regional policy analyst Alexei Titkov.

But United Russia's candidate managed to turn it to his advantage, coming across as a new face for many voters, Titkov said.

Dissipating Apathy

"There's apathy, a feeling that nothing can be changed," Koropachinsky said, speaking about lack of Moscow-styled protest activity in the city.

But civil protest is actually growing in Krasnoyarsk, said Styazhkin of Solidarity opposition group. He lights up as he speaks of businessmen joining students at protest rallies this winter, and of motorists pasting anti-United Russia stickers on their cars.

Oskolkov and Koropachinsky won endorsement from various leaders of the resilient anti-Kremlin movement in Moscow, and Oskolkov, who runs a nonprofit group helping people "force the authorities to work," also toured the "Occupy" opposition street camp in the capital in May

Styazhkin said he also hopes to top Solidarity's list at the legislative elections in the city next spring, and though most local activists smile a bit condescendingly when hearing about the 24-year-old's ambitions, they never question their feasibility. And he is far from the only grassroots activist in the city.

Behind the Curve

Legislative elections in 2013 will likely be the real battle, especially given United Russia's slipping ratings nationwide, analysts said.

"Some say that these elections are only preparation for the city council [vote]," Konovalov said.

"It will all be very sudden," he added when asked about possibility of change in opposition activity in the city. "Siberia has vast potential, we just don't know what to do with it."

"We're behind the curve compared to Moscow," agreed Koropachinsky. "And that's the main thing that the authorities need to understand. If they won't, the [protest] mood will spread to the entire country" ­ he pauses ­ "and I wouldn't want to live here in such times."

Keywords: Russia, Election, Politics - Russian News - Russia

KRASNOYARSK, June 11 (RIA Novosti, Alexey Eremenko) - It's hard to protest against the Kremlin on the shores of Yenisei River, Krasnoyarsk blogger and journalist Alexander Konovalov said, sipping ice cold lemonade on a piping hot June afternoon in eastern Siberia.

"Everybody understands it won't change anything," he said, sitting in the cafe that almost overlooks one of the world's biggest rivers, 4,000 kilometers east of Moscow.

"But the mood has changed," Konovalov added. "It's not on the brink of explosion, but something's brewing."

He spoke on the eve of mayoral elections in Krasnoyarsk, a major regional center in eastern Siberia which voted for a candidate of the ruling United Russia party, Edkham Akbulatov, who was first past the post with 69 percent on Sunday.

The Kremlin intends to tout the vote as a sign of the provinces' loyalty after a string of setbacks at regional elections nationwide, said local political analyst Alexander Chernyavsky. But that would be a mistake, he said.

Several things clicked together to ensure the ruling party's victory on Sunday, among them lack of strong opposition figures and specifics of the mayoral elections, where managerial track record counts for more than political allegiances, said Konovalov.

However, protest mood is still riding strong and will likely show in full force at the next vote, he said.

Ballots Not Rallies

In December, Krasnoyarsk showed taste for political independence, voting 31 percent for United Russia in the parliamentary elections, compared to the party's nationwide score of 49 percent.

The elections, which came with allegations of widespread vote rigging, sparked a wave of protests in Moscow which is still ongoing, bringing out tens of thousands to anti-Kremlin rallies, the latest of which is set for Tuesday.

However, the rest of the country failed to follow, Krasnoyarsk no exception. The turnout at the biggest protest event in December was 3,000, said Denis Styazhkin, head of the city branch of Solidarity opposition group.

After presidential elections in March, won by Vladimir Putin with 63 percent (he got 55 percent in Krasnoyarsk), the opposition in Moscow began to call regional elections a new battleground.

Since March, United Russia candidates lost elections in big cities of Yaroslavl and Togliatti and northern regional capital Naryan-Mar, and faced a tough fight in the southern city of Astrakhan, where an opposition champion went on a hunger strike for 40 days, insisting his victory was stolen through vote fraud. The scandal made headlines for weeks and the allegations are still being considered by a local court.

Vote Plush

The most memorable opposition candidate to apply for mayoral elections in Krasnoyarsk was Vasily Vasilyevich ­ a cute plush cat fielded by journalist Konovalov.

"He's just different," Konovalov said, almost keeping a straight face, when asked for the reason to vote the cat ­ who was, predictably, not allowed on the ballot. "But he wouldn't appear [in the election] if we had normal candidates."

There were 10 opposition contenders sanctioned to run, including favorites Alexander Koropachinsky, 55, a real estate developer and a former United Russia member, and Mikhail Oskolkov, 36, a Communist nominee who lists Ayn Rand among his favorite books on Vkontakte social network.

Attempt was made to cull the numbers through primaries, but it did little to boost unity as four of them were staged. Both Oskolkov and Koropachinsky stayed in the race, accusing each other of being secretly in cahoots with United Russia.

Allegations were never proven, but ruling party's Akbulatov did capitalize on the opposition's split. Koropachinsky won 11 percent of the vote and Oskolkov a mere 4 percent, with another 12 percent won by independent Alexei Podkorytov.

New Manager

"Mayoral elections are about civic matters first of all," Koropachinsky said as he summarized the city's top five problems, from ecology to lack of schools and kindergartens.

"The voters care for managerial, not political agenda," said analyst Chernyavsky. It had benefited Akbulatov, who has worked in the regional government since 2002, he said.

The city is in fact starving for change after 15 years under previous mayor Pyotr Pimashkov, said Moscow-based regional policy analyst Alexei Titkov.

But United Russia's candidate managed to turn it to his advantage, coming across as a new face for many voters, Titkov said.

Dissipating Apathy

"There's apathy, a feeling that nothing can be changed," Koropachinsky said, speaking about lack of Moscow-styled protest activity in the city.

But civil protest is actually growing in Krasnoyarsk, said Styazhkin of Solidarity opposition group. He lights up as he speaks of businessmen joining students at protest rallies this winter, and of motorists pasting anti-United Russia stickers on their cars.

Oskolkov and Koropachinsky won endorsement from various leaders of the resilient anti-Kremlin movement in Moscow, and Oskolkov, who runs a nonprofit group helping people "force the authorities to work," also toured the "Occupy" opposition street camp in the capital in May

Styazhkin said he also hopes to top Solidarity's list at the legislative elections in the city next spring, and though most local activists smile a bit condescendingly when hearing about the 24-year-old's ambitions, they never question their feasibility. And he is far from the only grassroots activist in the city.

Behind the Curve

Legislative elections in 2013 will likely be the real battle, especially given United Russia's slipping ratings nationwide, analysts said.

"Some say that these elections are only preparation for the city council [vote]," Konovalov said.

"It will all be very sudden," he added when asked about possibility of change in opposition activity in the city. "Siberia has vast potential, we just don't know what to do with it."

"We're behind the curve compared to Moscow," agreed Koropachinsky. "And that's the main thing that the authorities need to understand. If they won't, the [protest] mood will spread to the entire country" ­ he pauses ­ "and I wouldn't want to live here in such times."


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