Following a first article published January 16 on the country's political development, presidential candidate prime minister Vladimir Putin took a deep breath and dived January 23 into one of Russias thorniest problems national and ethnic questions in an article published in Nezavisimaya Gazeta.
Vladimir Putin launched his political career by launching a reconquest of separatist republic Chechcnya in 1999, following attacks on Russia by terrorists operating out of the Muslim republic. The war ended in victory but the nationality question remains one of the burning issues that could still derail Russia.
Putin published a first lengthy article January 16 on his 'world view' in the run up to presidential elections in March 2012, which are likely to see him elected for a six year term, with the possibility of subsequent selection for another six years.
Now in a second article he has turned to tackling multi-ethnic Russia's vexed problems of national identity and inter-ethnic relations.
The article also notably formulates Putins response to a nascent political movement that has found voice in recent anti-government protests, especially November 2011s nationalistic Russian March, and in the spontaneous protests in December 2010 in Moscows Manege by football fans: protests by ethnic Russians against perceived privileged treatment of the peoples of the North Caucasus in the form of vast budget subsidies for the region of which considerable amounts get embezzled by local elites. The movement is personified by popular anti- corruption blogger Aleksei Navalyni, who leans towards ethnic Russian nationalism.
Putin quoting the Kremlins favourite philosopher Ivan Ilyin reiterated his conviction that Russia is a multi-national, multi-confessional country, and that the four Russian religions Christianity, Islam, Judaism and Buddism share their basic moral values. On the other hand, he also emphasized the leading role of Russian culture as a state-forming culture, as the hinge holding the country together. According to this argument there can be no talk of Russian self-determination in opposition to the multi-ethnic state that exists: The self-determination of the Russian people it is the multi-ethnic civilization, held together by the Russian cultural core, he writes.
Besides Russias traditional multi-ethnic nature, the second major and new - ethnic challenge to Russian results from the enormous wave of migration from Central Asia, with for instance 42% of GDP of Tadzhikistan now comprising remittances from Tadzhiks working in Russia. Russia is now the worlds second largest migration destination after USA.
Almost inevitably, a whole skinhead movement of violent ultra-rightists has risen in response to this wave of migrants from impoverished neighbouring countries. Putin in todays article promised tighter immigration controls with the introduction of a Russian language exam for migrant workers, and the provision of educational programs for migrant workers.
Putin, aiming squarely at the newly politicized middle-classes, called for a culture of civil patriotism and said education should play an enormous role in uniting the nation.
His article contains few specific policy proposals besides the inevitable new government body to tackle ethnic questions. He also failed to discuss what the implications for the nationality question might be of the reintroduction of elected heads of federal subjects, with the risk that North Caucasus electoral campaigns might stoke the fires of separatism. US thinktank Jamestown Foundation last week was already anticipating that the reinstatement of gubernatorial elections would lead to the exit of the North Caucasus republics: With political reforms possible in Russia, the North Caucasus may once again become the focal point of countrys politics. Regardless of the results of the 2012 presidential elections in Russia, the countrys leadership will face tough choices in the North Caucasus. Retaining tight control over the region and democratizing Russia may once again prove to be incompatible tasks for the countrys politicians, Jamestown Foundation wrote.
Following a first article published January 16 on the country's political development, presidential candidate prime minister Vladimir Putin took a deep breath and dived January 23 into one of Russias thorniest problems national and ethnic questions in an article published in Nezavisimaya Gazeta.
Vladimir Putin launched his political career by launching a reconquest of separatist republic Chechcnya in 1999, following attacks on Russia by terrorists operating out of the Muslim republic. The war ended in victory but the nationality question remains one of the burning issues that could still derail Russia.
Putin published a first lengthy article January 16 on his 'world view' in the run up to presidential elections in March 2012, which are likely to see him elected for a six year term, with the possibility of subsequent selection for another six years.
Now in a second article he has turned to tackling multi-ethnic Russia's vexed problems of national identity and inter-ethnic relations.
The article also notably formulates Putins response to a nascent political movement that has found voice in recent anti-government protests, especially November 2011s nationalistic Russian March, and in the spontaneous protests in December 2010 in Moscows Manege by football fans: protests by ethnic Russians against perceived privileged treatment of the peoples of the North Caucasus in the form of vast budget subsidies for the region of which considerable amounts get embezzled by local elites. The movement is personified by popular anti- corruption blogger Aleksei Navalyni, who leans towards ethnic Russian nationalism.
Putin quoting the Kremlins favourite philosopher Ivan Ilyin reiterated his conviction that Russia is a multi-national, multi-confessional country, and that the four Russian religions Christianity, Islam, Judaism and Buddism share their basic moral values. On the other hand, he also emphasized the leading role of Russian culture as a state-forming culture, as the hinge holding the country together. According to this argument there can be no talk of Russian self-determination in opposition to the multi-ethnic state that exists: The self-determination of the Russian people it is the multi-ethnic civilization, held together by the Russian cultural core, he writes.
Besides Russias traditional multi-ethnic nature, the second major and new - ethnic challenge to Russian results from the enormous wave of migration from Central Asia, with for instance 42% of GDP of Tadzhikistan now comprising remittances from Tadzhiks working in Russia. Russia is now the worlds second largest migration destination after USA.
Almost inevitably, a whole skinhead movement of violent ultra-rightists has risen in response to this wave of migrants from impoverished neighbouring countries. Putin in todays article promised tighter immigration controls with the introduction of a Russian language exam for migrant workers, and the provision of educational programs for migrant workers.
Putin, aiming squarely at the newly politicized middle-classes, called for a culture of civil patriotism and said education should play an enormous role in uniting the nation.
His article contains few specific policy proposals besides the inevitable new government body to tackle ethnic questions. He also failed to discuss what the implications for the nationality question might be of the reintroduction of elected heads of federal subjects, with the risk that North Caucasus electoral campaigns might stoke the fires of separatism. US thinktank Jamestown Foundation last week was already anticipating that the reinstatement of gubernatorial elections would lead to the exit of the North Caucasus republics: With political reforms possible in Russia, the North Caucasus may once again become the focal point of countrys politics. Regardless of the results of the 2012 presidential elections in Russia, the countrys leadership will face tough choices in the North Caucasus. Retaining tight control over the region and democratizing Russia may once again prove to be incompatible tasks for the countrys politicians, Jamestown Foundation wrote.