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"Come to Me, Bandar-logs": Annual Call-In Telethon with Putin Yielded Few Concrete Answers
Nikolaus von Twickel - Andrew Roth - themoscowtimes.com - 12.16.11 - JRL 2011-226-3

With few doubting the outcome of the March presidential elections, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin today appeared on a four-and-a-half hour question and answer session on live television, where he fielded questions from a studio audience in Moscow along with satellite links from regions are far flung as the Caucasus and Vladivostok. The high-profile show this year offered some entertainment and even possible concessions on the premier's part, but failed to convince experts that much of anything new can be expected over the next several years. At noon today, Vladimir Putin walked into a Moscow television studio with a quick check of his tie, just as he has nine times before during the yearly "Conversation with Vladimir Putin," which is broadcast live on state television around the country. Many wondered how the premier-cum-presidential candidate would respond to allegations of falsification in the December 4 Duma elections, personal slights such as the alleged booing at Olympic Stadium last month, and the tens of thousands of protestors who came to Bolotnaya Square last week.

When the question about protests came, Putin was ready, although he spoke haltingly: "I actually saw on the television screens people, young people in particular, active, with their own position, which is formed distinctly and clearly. This makes me happy. And if this is the result of the 'Putin regime,' then that is good." People should continue to express themselves in all spheres, he said, as long as it is legal. And to "rip the ground from under those who wish to delegitimize the elections," he suggested installing video cameras with online feeds in polling stations across the country.

In the past, the televised ritual has focused heavily on social questions such as pensions and housing, but Pavel Salin, of the Center for Political Assessments, noted that the rise of opposition politics in recent weeks has forced the Kremlin to change tracks. "Putin is no longer speaking with a politically passive public ­ politics are coming to life," he said. "Yet for the time being, I didn't see any huge changes in Putin's rhetoric, nor any serious concessions."

Yury Korgunyuk, from the INDEM think tank, agreed: "The issue [of protests] simply can't be ignored," he said. "When there were just 100 protestors, you could send in the OMON [riot police]. It's over... yet they'll continue to make aspersions that people were paid to be there, that they're ineffectual, et cetera."

The question of reinstating the election of governors has become a perennial one at the Q&A sessions, yet this year Putin showed he might be willing to make some slight changes here. Currently, governors are appointed and dismissed by the president, though most agree that Putin's influence far exceeds that of President Dmitry Medvedev, who was mentioned only a handful of times during the discussion. The issue reflects Putin's narrative for the country in the past decade: in 2000, there was a possible civil war brewing in the North Caucasus and criminals in every region, he noted. To protect the government against local gangsters seeking to fix elections or misuse the immunity given to them by government service, direct elections had to be removed, he continued.

Putin said he would be willing to establish a system whereby local governors were nominated by parties in local parliaments and then would be run through a "presidential filter." "Might this lead to some more competition? A little, maybe, but Putin's goal here is to maintain an extremely small circle of possible participants in the political process," said Salin. "If there is a 'presidential filter,' then he will still be able to limit the number of people involved."

Korgunyuk agreed, noting that during Putin's next term, any concessions to the protesting public would be linked less to a possible change in Putin's political worldview than to a possible weakening of his power. "These are the concessions of a weakening dictator," said Korgunyuk.

The session touched on international politics, as well, with Putin employing hawkish rhetoric in response to Western criticism. In particular, he noted the United States' tendency to act unilaterally and also claimed the United States electorate was tired of playing the role of "international gendarme." Asked about U.S. Senator John McCain, who earlier tweeted: "Dear Vlad, The Arab Spring is coming to a neighborhood near you" during the post-election protests, Putin responded, "Mr. McCain fought in Vietnam ­ he has enough blood on his hands. It must be impossible for him to live without these disgusting scenes anymore," continued Putin on the former POW.

Internet users kept up a satire-laden commentary during the event. Russian Twitter users drove several Cyrillic language hashtags into the worldwide trending list, including #Putin and (the more popular) #Botox, a nickname based on rumors that Putin had received cosmetic surgery. Responses to the speech were largely sarcastic: at one point Putin told those who didn't recognize him as a leader, "Come to me, Bander-logs," quoting Rudyard Kipling's The Jungle Book. One Facebook user responded in Russian: "We heard you Kaa... but it seems you didn't hear the people..."

With few doubting the outcome of the March presidential elections, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin today appeared on a four-and-a-half hour question and answer session on live television, where he fielded questions from a studio audience in Moscow along with satellite links from regions are far flung as the Caucasus and Vladivostok. The high-profile show this year offered some entertainment and even possible concessions on the premier's part, but failed to convince experts that much of anything new can be expected over the next several years.

At noon today, Vladimir Putin walked into a Moscow television studio with a quick check of his tie, just as he has nine times before during the yearly "Conversation with Vladimir Putin," which is broadcast live on state television around the country. Many wondered how the premier-cum-presidential candidate would respond to allegations of falsification in the December 4 Duma elections, personal slights such as the alleged booing at Olympic Stadium last month, and the tens of thousands of protestors who came to Bolotnaya Square last week.

When the question about protests came, Putin was ready, although he spoke haltingly: "I actually saw on the television screens people, young people in particular, active, with their own position, which is formed distinctly and clearly. This makes me happy. And if this is the result of the 'Putin regime,' then that is good." People should continue to express themselves in all spheres, he said, as long as it is legal. And to "rip the ground from under those who wish to delegitimize the elections," he suggested installing video cameras with online feeds in polling stations across the country.

In the past, the televised ritual has focused heavily on social questions such as pensions and housing, but Pavel Salin, of the Center for Political Assessments, noted that the rise of opposition politics in recent weeks has forced the Kremlin to change tracks. "Putin is no longer speaking with a politically passive public ­ politics are coming to life," he said. "Yet for the time being, I didn't see any huge changes in Putin's rhetoric, nor any serious concessions."

Yury Korgunyuk, from the INDEM think tank, agreed: "The issue [of protests] simply can't be ignored," he said. "When there were just 100 protestors, you could send in the OMON [riot police]. It's over... yet they'll continue to make aspersions that people were paid to be there, that they're ineffectual, et cetera."

The question of reinstating the election of governors has become a perennial one at the Q&A sessions, yet this year Putin showed he might be willing to make some slight changes here. Currently, governors are appointed and dismissed by the president, though most agree that Putin's influence far exceeds that of President Dmitry Medvedev, who was mentioned only a handful of times during the discussion. The issue reflects Putin's narrative for the country in the past decade: in 2000, there was a possible civil war brewing in the North Caucasus and criminals in every region, he noted. To protect the government against local gangsters seeking to fix elections or misuse the immunity given to them by government service, direct elections had to be removed, he continued.

Putin said he would be willing to establish a system whereby local governors were nominated by parties in local parliaments and then would be run through a "presidential filter." "Might this lead to some more competition? A little, maybe, but Putin's goal here is to maintain an extremely small circle of possible participants in the political process," said Salin. "If there is a 'presidential filter,' then he will still be able to limit the number of people involved."

Korgunyuk agreed, noting that during Putin's next term, any concessions to the protesting public would be linked less to a possible change in Putin's political worldview than to a possible weakening of his power. "These are the concessions of a weakening dictator," said Korgunyuk.

The session touched on international politics, as well, with Putin employing hawkish rhetoric in response to Western criticism. In particular, he noted the United States' tendency to act unilaterally and also claimed the United States electorate was tired of playing the role of "international gendarme." Asked about U.S. Senator John McCain, who earlier tweeted: "Dear Vlad, The Arab Spring is coming to a neighborhood near you" during the post-election protests, Putin responded, "Mr. McCain fought in Vietnam ­ he has enough blood on his hands. It must be impossible for him to live without these disgusting scenes anymore," continued Putin on the former POW.

Internet users kept up a satire-laden commentary during the event. Russian Twitter users drove several Cyrillic language hashtags into the worldwide trending list, including #Putin and (the more popular) #Botox, a nickname based on rumors that Putin had received cosmetic surgery. Responses to the speech were largely sarcastic: at one point Putin told those who didn't recognize him as a leader, "Come to me, Bander-logs," quoting Rudyard Kipling's The Jungle Book. One Facebook user responded in Russian: "We heard you Kaa... but it seems you didn't hear the people..."