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In Russia, where leading writers, poets and cultural figures sometimes take to the streets in revolt against their ruler, a culture minister is more than just a culture minister.

That may explain a lot of the angst over last month's appointment of Vladimir Medinsky ­ historian, writer and United Russia party functionary ­ to the top cultural post.

Since his appointment, Medinsky himself has tried to dispel fears of a propaganda machine oiling its wheels. "I don't want to name any [cultural favorites], because a culture minister should not make his personal tastes public," he said in an interview on Friday with The Moscow News' sister publication, Moskovskiye Novosti. "I don't want to be led by my own tastes."

Medinsky, it seemed, had a lot of rumor-dispelling to do, with a whole slew of leading political and cultural figures touting him as Vladimir Putin's new propagandist.

Part of the reason was his own background. Medinsky is the author of the ostensibly patriotic "Myths About Russia," a series of history books that sought to challenge stereotypes about the country. Thanks to its aggressive billboard campaign, the books became easily recognizable to Muscovites whether they were interested in that sort of literature or not.

His latest novel, "The Wall," delved into historical fiction, yet its subject matter ­ the defense of a besieged fortress in Smolensk during the Time of Troubles in 1612 ­ suggested to readers that Russian history still deserved a better spin, and that Medinsky was just the man for the job.

For Russia's liberal intelligentsia, these counted as more than enough alarm bells. Though Medinsky professed that his favorite writer was Boris Akunin, the detective novelist turned opposition leader who in the wake of the May 6 protest rally led writers through Moscow to protest against Vladimir Putin, many still argued that the new minister had irredeemably established himself as a man of the Kremlin with whom there could be no compromise.

"Medinsky and [former Kremlin ideologue] Vladislav Surkov are constructs of the propaganda machine that was created under Putin and continues to work in the cabinet of ministers," opposition leader and former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov told Gazeta.ru in May.

Marat Guelman, the controversial gallery owner, also raised doubts about Medinsky. "We don't know what kind of culture minister he will be, because he's never worked as a state official," he told Slon.ru last month. "Medinsky was one of the chief talking heads of the United Russia party, one of the main propagandists.

"Obviously, by appointing him, the government means to turn the Culture Ministry into the Ministry of Propaganda."

It was unclear from Medinsky's interview whether he was familiar with Guelman's assessment, but at least the new culture minister made it pretty clear that he had no intention of shutting down Guelman's gallery.

"He has original ideas," Medinsky said of Guelman. "He is a free-thinking, active person. Some of his installations are, to put it politely, controversial. But of course we will not interfere in his work as long as it remains within the framework of the law."

Medinsky did add, however, that if a theater working under the auspices of the Culture Ministry got too "controversial" in provoking public taste, the Culture Ministry would by no means shut it down ­ but it could change the artistic director.

As for the disgruntled protesting class ­ a contingency of educated, well-off young urbanites who have been making headlines this spring for their Occupy-style gatherings ­ Medinsky, like Vladislav Surkov, seemed to have only the kindest words for them. So what if writers like Boris Akunin and Dmitry Bykov were leading protest marches against the very government that Medinsky was now a part of ?

"I live and work here, and I cannot fail to notice this class of people," Medinsky told Moskovskiye Novosti. "I don't want to be excessive in my compliments to the middle class, but basically this is our key target audience."

He made it pretty clear how the Culture Ministry would court it ­ not by setting a propagandist agenda, but by ensuring that libraries, concert halls and museums were more accessible. Medinsky even made a point of saying that museums in Moscow should have longer opening hours.

However much Medinsky may want to avoid imposing his tastes and views, it may ultimately be not up to him to decide, some culture experts fear. President Putin ordered his government, which includes the Culture Ministry, to come up with a 100-book reading list for Russian schoolchildren by this September ­ and like it or not, the officials involved will have to reveal their tastes.

"It could be a frightful list," a children's literature specialist who works with libraries, told The Moscow News, speaking on conditions of anonymity.

Medinsky "positions himself as a book person," and his views are known from his writings, she pointed out. Whether or not he wants to impose them may be beside the point ­ in what is still a top-down system of management, officials will be keen to cater to his implicit tastes when they make their decisions.

Keywords: Russia, Government, Politics - Life in Russia, Culture, Arts - Russian News - Russia

In Russia, where leading writers, poets and cultural figures sometimes take to the streets in revolt against their ruler, a culture minister is more than just a culture minister.

That may explain a lot of the angst over last month's appointment of Vladimir Medinsky ­ historian, writer and United Russia party functionary ­ to the top cultural post.

Since his appointment, Medinsky himself has tried to dispel fears of a propaganda machine oiling its wheels. "I don't want to name any [cultural favorites], because a culture minister should not make his personal tastes public," he said in an interview on Friday with The Moscow News' sister publication, Moskovskiye Novosti. "I don't want to be led by my own tastes."

Medinsky, it seemed, had a lot of rumor-dispelling to do, with a whole slew of leading political and cultural figures touting him as Vladimir Putin's new propagandist.

Part of the reason was his own background. Medinsky is the author of the ostensibly patriotic "Myths About Russia," a series of history books that sought to challenge stereotypes about the country. Thanks to its aggressive billboard campaign, the books became easily recognizable to Muscovites whether they were interested in that sort of literature or not.

His latest novel, "The Wall," delved into historical fiction, yet its subject matter ­ the defense of a besieged fortress in Smolensk during the Time of Troubles in 1612 ­ suggested to readers that Russian history still deserved a better spin, and that Medinsky was just the man for the job.

For Russia's liberal intelligentsia, these counted as more than enough alarm bells. Though Medinsky professed that his favorite writer was Boris Akunin, the detective novelist turned opposition leader who in the wake of the May 6 protest rally led writers through Moscow to protest against Vladimir Putin, many still argued that the new minister had irredeemably established himself as a man of the Kremlin with whom there could be no compromise.

"Medinsky and [former Kremlin ideologue] Vladislav Surkov are constructs of the propaganda machine that was created under Putin and continues to work in the cabinet of ministers," opposition leader and former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov told Gazeta.ru in May.

Marat Guelman, the controversial gallery owner, also raised doubts about Medinsky. "We don't know what kind of culture minister he will be, because he's never worked as a state official," he told Slon.ru last month. "Medinsky was one of the chief talking heads of the United Russia party, one of the main propagandists.

"Obviously, by appointing him, the government means to turn the Culture Ministry into the Ministry of Propaganda."

It was unclear from Medinsky's interview whether he was familiar with Guelman's assessment, but at least the new culture minister made it pretty clear that he had no intention of shutting down Guelman's gallery.

"He has original ideas," Medinsky said of Guelman. "He is a free-thinking, active person. Some of his installations are, to put it politely, controversial. But of course we will not interfere in his work as long as it remains within the framework of the law."

Medinsky did add, however, that if a theater working under the auspices of the Culture Ministry got too "controversial" in provoking public taste, the Culture Ministry would by no means shut it down ­ but it could change the artistic director.

As for the disgruntled protesting class ­ a contingency of educated, well-off young urbanites who have been making headlines this spring for their Occupy-style gatherings ­ Medinsky, like Vladislav Surkov, seemed to have only the kindest words for them. So what if writers like Boris Akunin and Dmitry Bykov were leading protest marches against the very government that Medinsky was now a part of ?

"I live and work here, and I cannot fail to notice this class of people," Medinsky told Moskovskiye Novosti. "I don't want to be excessive in my compliments to the middle class, but basically this is our key target audience."

He made it pretty clear how the Culture Ministry would court it ­ not by setting a propagandist agenda, but by ensuring that libraries, concert halls and museums were more accessible. Medinsky even made a point of saying that museums in Moscow should have longer opening hours.

However much Medinsky may want to avoid imposing his tastes and views, it may ultimately be not up to him to decide, some culture experts fear. President Putin ordered his government, which includes the Culture Ministry, to come up with a 100-book reading list for Russian schoolchildren by this September ­ and like it or not, the officials involved will have to reveal their tastes.

"It could be a frightful list," a children's literature specialist who works with libraries, told The Moscow News, speaking on conditions of anonymity.

Medinsky "positions himself as a book person," and his views are known from his writings, she pointed out. Whether or not he wants to impose them may be beside the point ­ in what is still a top-down system of management, officials will be keen to cater to his implicit tastes when they make their decisions.

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