After the return of large political protests to Russia at the end of 2011, candidates for the country's highest office have begun tailoring their political platforms to drum up support from the masses. As the next elections are seen as a possible bellwether in the future of Russian politics, candidates are looking to define their strategies to hit the sweet spot that will resonate with Russians who are dissatisfied with the ruling party but wary of the liberal opposition. While Prime Minister Vladimir Putin may take on the role of a more liberal "Putin 2.0," Mikhail Prokhorov is saying "yes, we can," and the opposition is trying to define what ideas holds it together in the first place. For the first time in six years, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has penned a political platform in his bid for the presidency this March, a contest that he is likely to win. Putin's new plan will be similar to United Russia People's Plan, culled from suggestions from thousands of Russian citizens, Putin's Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov told RIA Novosti. But he said that it would be expanded to include "a lot of new issues, and a new outlook on a changing world."
Peskov was likely referring to last month's demonstrations, when tens of thousands of people stood in the chilly December air across the country, protesting alleged voter fraud in national parliamentary elections. While those protests have failed for the time being to produce a candidate to challenge Putin in the coming elections, it is clear that the Kremlin is in damage control mode. "Every program has to adjust to the changes society is undergoing, and today society is changing every hour and every minute," a Kremlin-connected political expert Vyacheslav Nikonov told the Moscow Times.
At the end of December, longtime Kremlin Deputy Chief of Staff Vladislav Surkov, the architect of Russia's current political system who has been accused of playing the grey cardinal in the Kremlin, was removed from his position in an apparent nod to the recent protests. "The system has already changed," assured Surkov, days before he was fired from his position and appointed the vice prime minister of modernization and innovation.
Putin's image is already well-established with Russians, but experts note that the prime minister may soften his tone in the future to try to convince protesters that the government is hearing their demands. "We know that Dmitry Peskov has long been pushing the concept of 'Putin 2.0,' and there is actually intrigue about whether Vladimir Putin can reset at 59 years old and appear completely different," said Mikhail Vinogradov, the president of the Petersburg Politics Fund. "Ideally it would be good to see Putin in election debates, but whether he is ready for this or not is a question. Of course, in the long run, 'Putin 2.0' is needed as a basis for future victories," said Vinogradov.
Others trying to break into politics have looked at examples outside of Russia for successful, populist campaigns as a way to gain popular support. Oligarch billionaire Mikhail Prokhorov faces a severe credibility problem; many consider him a pocket opposition candidate that the Kremlin rolled out to ward off accusations of an uncompetitive political system.
The head of Prokhorov's campaign, journalist and producer Anton Krasovsky, told the Izvestiya daily that Prokhorov will be channeling U.S. President Barack Obama's 2008 "Yes, we can!" campaign slogan in his bid for the presidency.
Experts were skeptical about the idea. Anton Bakov, an independent political analyst, said of the upbeat campaign: "It must be understood that Russia is not America. If you're saying that everything is great, you're not talking about us. Here, a campaign should probably go under the slogan of 'No, I can't.'"
Nonetheless, Krasovsky said that the campaign has also taken into account the dearth of active political talent in the country. "Mikhail has produced the right slogan: 'Who, if not me?' Indeed, I don't see anyone else, others just don't have the right to speak about renewal," he told Izvestiya.
Prokhorov's point rings especially true for the opposition, which has few individuals who are both popular and have solid political experience. While they have been riding the wave of public support that more established candidates are seeking to co-opt, several problems stand in their way. Though the rallies in Moscow reportedly swelled up to 100,000 people in December and many more are fed up with United Russia, the movement is still effectively comprised of the country's small middle class, with less support outside of the capital.
For the new opposition, the most likely answer to Prokhorov's question "Who, if not me?" is activist blogger Alexei Navalny, but he has little political experience, and so far has demurred when asked whether he would run for president. With no clear leader and a limited platform, the opposition has mainly focused on what it can agree on: get rid of Putin, repeat the December elections, and fire the Head of the Elections Committee Vladimir Churov. Journalist Andrei Malgin argued on Polit.ru that the opposition's limited strategy was the only way that it can make itself heard in the current political system: "It's only possible to speak with Putin in the language of ultimatums. He doesn't understand any other language and he will take any concessions as a weakness. The crowd has made several concrete demands. Until they are fulfilled, what else is there to talk about?"
After the return of large political protests to Russia at the end of 2011, candidates for the country's highest office have begun tailoring their political platforms to drum up support from the masses. As the next elections are seen as a possible bellwether in the future of Russian politics, candidates are looking to define their strategies to hit the sweet spot that will resonate with Russians who are dissatisfied with the ruling party but wary of the liberal opposition. While Prime Minister Vladimir Putin may take on the role of a more liberal "Putin 2.0," Mikhail Prokhorov is saying "yes, we can," and the opposition is trying to define what ideas holds it together in the first place.
For the first time in six years, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin has penned a political platform in his bid for the presidency this March, a contest that he is likely to win. Putin's new plan will be similar to United Russia People's Plan, culled from suggestions from thousands of Russian citizens, Putin's Press Secretary Dmitry Peskov told RIA Novosti. But he said that it would be expanded to include "a lot of new issues, and a new outlook on a changing world."
Peskov was likely referring to last month's demonstrations, when tens of thousands of people stood in the chilly December air across the country, protesting alleged voter fraud in national parliamentary elections. While those protests have failed for the time being to produce a candidate to challenge Putin in the coming elections, it is clear that the Kremlin is in damage control mode. "Every program has to adjust to the changes society is undergoing, and today society is changing every hour and every minute," a Kremlin-connected political expert Vyacheslav Nikonov told the Moscow Times.
At the end of December, longtime Kremlin Deputy Chief of Staff Vladislav Surkov, the architect of Russia's current political system who has been accused of playing the grey cardinal in the Kremlin, was removed from his position in an apparent nod to the recent protests. "The system has already changed," assured Surkov, days before he was fired from his position and appointed the vice prime minister of modernization and innovation.
Putin's image is already well-established with Russians, but experts note that the prime minister may soften his tone in the future to try to convince protesters that the government is hearing their demands. "We know that Dmitry Peskov has long been pushing the concept of 'Putin 2.0,' and there is actually intrigue about whether Vladimir Putin can reset at 59 years old and appear completely different," said Mikhail Vinogradov, the president of the Petersburg Politics Fund. "Ideally it would be good to see Putin in election debates, but whether he is ready for this or not is a question. Of course, in the long run, 'Putin 2.0' is needed as a basis for future victories," said Vinogradov.
Others trying to break into politics have looked at examples outside of Russia for successful, populist campaigns as a way to gain popular support. Oligarch billionaire Mikhail Prokhorov faces a severe credibility problem; many consider him a pocket opposition candidate that the Kremlin rolled out to ward off accusations of an uncompetitive political system.
The head of Prokhorov's campaign, journalist and producer Anton Krasovsky, told the Izvestiya daily that Prokhorov will be channeling U.S. President Barack Obama's 2008 "Yes, we can!" campaign slogan in his bid for the presidency.
Experts were skeptical about the idea. Anton Bakov, an independent political analyst, said of the upbeat campaign: "It must be understood that Russia is not America. If you're saying that everything is great, you're not talking about us. Here, a campaign should probably go under the slogan of 'No, I can't.'"
Nonetheless, Krasovsky said that the campaign has also taken into account the dearth of active political talent in the country. "Mikhail has produced the right slogan: 'Who, if not me?' Indeed, I don't see anyone else, others just don't have the right to speak about renewal," he told Izvestiya.
Prokhorov's point rings especially true for the opposition, which has few individuals who are both popular and have solid political experience. While they have been riding the wave of public support that more established candidates are seeking to co-opt, several problems stand in their way. Though the rallies in Moscow reportedly swelled up to 100,000 people in December and many more are fed up with United Russia, the movement is still effectively comprised of the country's small middle class, with less support outside of the capital.
For the new opposition, the most likely answer to Prokhorov's question "Who, if not me?" is activist blogger Alexei Navalny, but he has little political experience, and so far has demurred when asked whether he would run for president. With no clear leader and a limited platform, the opposition has mainly focused on what it can agree on: get rid of Putin, repeat the December elections, and fire the Head of the Elections Committee Vladimir Churov. Journalist Andrei Malgin argued on Polit.ru that the opposition's limited strategy was the only way that it can make itself heard in the current political system: "It's only possible to speak with Putin in the language of ultimatums. He doesn't understand any other language and he will take any concessions as a weakness. The crowd has made several concrete demands. Until they are fulfilled, what else is there to talk about?"