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The Russian State Duma has been mired in controversy and infighting recently over the new anti-protest bill, which is now only one signature short of being passed into law. Besides galvanizing criticism of the Kremlin's harsh tactics, it's a telling moment for the typically rubber-stamp Parliament ­ a sign that open dissent is finally moving from the streets and into official ranks. Experts say this is but another development in the gradual, yet significant evolution of political participation in Russia.

Back in 2005, long before the winter of discontent struck Moscow and rattled the Russian establishment with protests, citizen fury and general uncertainty, former longtime Duma Chairman Boris Gryzlov allegedly said that the "Parliament is no place for discussion." Indeed, at the height of President Vladimir Putin's virtual invincibility, the Duma rarely put up a fight against legislation proposed by the overwhelmingly dominant United Russia Party.

Today, however, the times have clearly changed. United Russia still holds a majority, but it's a shaky one, with only 238 out of 450 seats. After several months of simmering ­ and, in some cases, explosive ­ public discontent, Russian politics has taken a turn toward a slight semblance of genuine competition, and opposition forces now seem to be gaining a dose of confidence that would have otherwise been unimaginable in Putin's Russia.

The latest sign has been the ongoing battle in the legislative body over the draconian anti-protest bill, which passed through both houses of Parliament and requires only Putin's signature to become law. In a largely unprecedented show of defiance, opposition lawmakers from Just Russia and the Communist Party rallied against the bill and initiated a filibuster by jam-packing it with around 400 amendments, forcing the Duma into a grueling, late-night marathon session.

The bill nevertheless passed and made its way toward an easy victory in the Federation Council the following day, but it became clear the struggle was perhaps a turning point for what seems like an increasingly bold systemic opposition. And in an ironic nod to Gryzlov's infamous phrase, key opposition deputy Gennady Gudkov from Just Russia summed up the spectacle: "All of a sudden the Duma has become a place for discussion," The Washington Post quoted him as saying.

Analysts acknowledge the moment was a crucial one, especially considering the usually scattered nature of the opposition forces. According to Kommersant FM commentator Konstantin von Eggert, the Kremlin's move to quell protests and marginalize the opposition has instead played into the opposition's hands. "In fact, the bill will...have an outcome that is the exact opposite of what its authors intended to happen," he wrote for RIA Novosti on June 6. "It has legitimized the disorganized and fractured opposition as a force to be reckoned with. This goes beyond its quarrelling leaders' wildest dreams."

The latest struggle is also a sign that the systemic opposition may not be so "systemic" anymore. Recent months have seen parliamentarians, particularly from Just Russia, taking increasingly active leadership roles in the broader anti-Kremlin movement, which includes unsanctioned opposition groups such as Sergei Udaltsov's Left Front and Boris Nemtsov's Solidarity, among others. Ostensibly in-system politicians, such as Just Russia Deputies Ilya Ponomaryov and Dmitry Gudkov, have leveraged their roles to create a bridge between the so-called "street opposition" and the official ranks, experts said.

According to Olga Mefodyeva, an analyst at the Center for Political Technologies, it's this very cross-opposition cooperation that's changing the system altogether. Citing the younger Gudkov in particular as one example among a batch of "new political players," Mefodyeva noted that systemic parties, such as Just Russia, are using more virile and opposition-minded characters to help build street credibility within parties that can actually effect legislation, she said. And in the process, she added, they help blur the distinction between "system" and the "non-system."

"There's a number of more independent players who base their activity solely upon public opinion ­ that part of the public that simply doesn't accept the current regime. Meanwhile, parties such as the Communist Party, Just Russia and the Liberal Democratic Party appeal to the part of society that refuses to support United Russia, but doesn't have any other party preferences," she said. "Here is where these new players are appearing."

But it's an evolution that's ongoing, she added: "A whole new group of political parties will appear soon...and it's all going to change the landscape to a certain degree. The idea of there being a 'systemic' and 'non-systemic' opposition is definitely fading away ­ not because certain political orientations have changed, but because there are new political processes and players emerging who are simply not inclined to work with the regime."

Keywords: Russia, Government, Politics - Russian News - Russia

The Russian State Duma has been mired in controversy and infighting recently over the new anti-protest bill, which is now only one signature short of being passed into law. Besides galvanizing criticism of the Kremlin's harsh tactics, it's a telling moment for the typically rubber-stamp Parliament ­ a sign that open dissent is finally moving from the streets and into official ranks. Experts say this is but another development in the gradual, yet significant evolution of political participation in Russia.

Back in 2005, long before the winter of discontent struck Moscow and rattled the Russian establishment with protests, citizen fury and general uncertainty, former longtime Duma Chairman Boris Gryzlov allegedly said that the "Parliament is no place for discussion." Indeed, at the height of President Vladimir Putin's virtual invincibility, the Duma rarely put up a fight against legislation proposed by the overwhelmingly dominant United Russia Party.

Today, however, the times have clearly changed. United Russia still holds a majority, but it's a shaky one, with only 238 out of 450 seats. After several months of simmering ­ and, in some cases, explosive ­ public discontent, Russian politics has taken a turn toward a slight semblance of genuine competition, and opposition forces now seem to be gaining a dose of confidence that would have otherwise been unimaginable in Putin's Russia.

The latest sign has been the ongoing battle in the legislative body over the draconian anti-protest bill, which passed through both houses of Parliament and requires only Putin's signature to become law. In a largely unprecedented show of defiance, opposition lawmakers from Just Russia and the Communist Party rallied against the bill and initiated a filibuster by jam-packing it with around 400 amendments, forcing the Duma into a grueling, late-night marathon session.

The bill nevertheless passed and made its way toward an easy victory in the Federation Council the following day, but it became clear the struggle was perhaps a turning point for what seems like an increasingly bold systemic opposition. And in an ironic nod to Gryzlov's infamous phrase, key opposition deputy Gennady Gudkov from Just Russia summed up the spectacle: "All of a sudden the Duma has become a place for discussion," The Washington Post quoted him as saying.

Analysts acknowledge the moment was a crucial one, especially considering the usually scattered nature of the opposition forces. According to Kommersant FM commentator Konstantin von Eggert, the Kremlin's move to quell protests and marginalize the opposition has instead played into the opposition's hands. "In fact, the bill will...have an outcome that is the exact opposite of what its authors intended to happen," he wrote for RIA Novosti on June 6. "It has legitimized the disorganized and fractured opposition as a force to be reckoned with. This goes beyond its quarrelling leaders' wildest dreams."

The latest struggle is also a sign that the systemic opposition may not be so "systemic" anymore. Recent months have seen parliamentarians, particularly from Just Russia, taking increasingly active leadership roles in the broader anti-Kremlin movement, which includes unsanctioned opposition groups such as Sergei Udaltsov's Left Front and Boris Nemtsov's Solidarity, among others. Ostensibly in-system politicians, such as Just Russia Deputies Ilya Ponomaryov and Dmitry Gudkov, have leveraged their roles to create a bridge between the so-called "street opposition" and the official ranks, experts said.

According to Olga Mefodyeva, an analyst at the Center for Political Technologies, it's this very cross-opposition cooperation that's changing the system altogether. Citing the younger Gudkov in particular as one example among a batch of "new political players," Mefodyeva noted that systemic parties, such as Just Russia, are using more virile and opposition-minded characters to help build street credibility within parties that can actually effect legislation, she said. And in the process, she added, they help blur the distinction between "system" and the "non-system."

"There's a number of more independent players who base their activity solely upon public opinion ­ that part of the public that simply doesn't accept the current regime. Meanwhile, parties such as the Communist Party, Just Russia and the Liberal Democratic Party appeal to the part of society that refuses to support United Russia, but doesn't have any other party preferences," she said. "Here is where these new players are appearing."

But it's an evolution that's ongoing, she added: "A whole new group of political parties will appear soon...and it's all going to change the landscape to a certain degree. The idea of there being a 'systemic' and 'non-systemic' opposition is definitely fading away ­ not because certain political orientations have changed, but because there are new political processes and players emerging who are simply not inclined to work with the regime."

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