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TITLE:
INTERVIEW WITH IGOR BUNIN, DIRECTOR GENERAL OF THE POLITICAL TECHNOLOGIES CENTER
[TRUD DAILY, P. 2, JULY 17, 2004]
SOURCE: FEDERAL NEWS SERVICE (http://www.fednews.ru/)
PROTEST WITHOUT EXTREMISM

The crisis of trust to the Russian Communist Party and the party's split have again sparked debates on the fate of leftist movements in this country. Many believe that their future is social democracy, and Western experience confirms this belief. Influential social democratic parties exist in 50 European countries. Scarlet roses are an emblem of social democrats, and they are so popular with the continent's residents that they are ruling parties in 14 EU member states and the leading opposition forces in many countries. But parties having those words in their names are tiny parties in Russia and they lack any influence. Is there any future for social democracy in Russia? Igor Bunin, a prominent political analyst and General Director of the Political Analysis Center talks to Trud.

Q: Igor Mikhailovich, can it be that social democracy is not respected in Russia because of its name? Socialist ideas have been discredited by Communists over 70 years, and the idea of democracy was discredited by "shock therapy".

Bunin: Socialist ideas were discredited in Central Europe and the Baltics not less than in Russia. But there still is a strong social democratic party in each of those countries. As for democracy, the attitude to this word in our country is not so negative as it may seem sometimes. Paradoxically, many of those feeling insulted vote for the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR), in whose name the word is formally present.

There are two ways to create such a party. First, a classical variant: a party historically grows from a workers movement, and it is closely linked with trade unions. This is the variant of Britain's Labor Party and Germany's SDPG. The other variant is a former Communist Party having knowingly rejected the ideas of dictatorship of proletariat and class struggle and having really, rather than on words, integrated into modern democratic society. This is the case, for example, with post-Communists in Italy. They used to be in power, then they lost the election to their "constituent assembly", but fortunately the world has not seen the Italian version of "navy man Zheleznyak".

Unfortunately, neither of the two has worked in Russia so far...

Q: Why?

Bunin: The traditions of a civilized workers' movement were severely suppressed in this country back in 1918, when armed navy men crashed the Mensheviks and free trade unions. In the early 1990s, the revival of those traditions started, but they were to a great measure discredited by the fact that many new trade unions were close to unpopular authorities and they supported "shock" reform. As for the Soviet Communist Party, it has never had a mass foundation to be able to go along a path of renovation, nothing similar to the "Prague Spring". The party's transformation was only possible in the direction opposite to social democracy, towards nationalist patriotism and admiration for Stalin. It was not surprising that instead of a party of democratic socialism they formed the CPRF.

Q: Still, is there a model of social democracy which could strike root in Russia? Perhaps the Swedish or British model?

Bunin: Our own one. Attempts by groups of intellectuals in Russia to form new parties with the help of contacts with the Socialist International and on the basis of statements that "Swedish socialism is good" as opposed to bad economic liberalism could only lead to a deadlock. Actually it is necessary to use classical methods of social democracy tested by years. But it is important to choose the right sources. Strangely enough some scholars in North Korea, for example, have seriously claimed that the Chuch He ideas are social democracy proper...

Q: Under what conditions can a foundation for social democracy in this country?

Bunin: Actually there is a base for that. It is hired employees reluctant to go back to the 1980s with their lack of freedom, with rationing and chronic shortages. Yet they want weighty social guarantees for themselves. There is a different shortage today -- of political will, organizations and leaders who could express those citizens' interests. But the problem can be resolved in the future.

Q: Many parties emerging and disappearing from the Russian political horizon have used social democratic slogans of "implementation of equality", and in their party programs they have backed the principles of "social state".

Bunin: Yes, there are lots of things prompted by a particular situation in Russian social democracy. Such a party can only have real prospects when the first variant of its creation of those mentioned above is realized. They failed to refurbish the Soviet Communist Party, but it is still possible to form parties relying on the workers' movement. Naturally this should be done with account of the 21st century conditions, now that hired employees are better educated and skilled.

Perhaps in the foreseeable future protest movements of hired hands will not cease to exist, and they will protest against mala fide owners and officials abusing their authority. Those workers are rather inclined to use legal means, hire lawyers -- like in the recent case at the Yeniseiskaya mine -- than resort to senseless and ruthless riots. In turn this gives new trade unions a chance to strengthen their positions. They should firmly safeguard the rights of employees and be ready to engage in labor conflicts and go on strike. Naturally this should not involve extremism, this should be done in line with the law. This would give a strong impetus towards the creation of a strong and really influential, rather that "elite club" social democratic party from below.