| JRL HOME | SUPPORT | SUBSCRIBE | RESEARCH & ANALYTICAL SUPPLEMENT | |
Old Saint Basil's Cathedral in MoscowJohnson's Russia List title and scenes of Saint Petersburg
Excerpts from the JRL E-Mail Community :: Founded and Edited by David Johnson

#13 - JRL 8096 - JRL Home
Date: Tue, 2 Mar 2004
From: Dmitry Mikheyev <Mikheyev@podlipki.ru>
Subject: Russian passions

David, Two last debates on JRL (around the Shleifer/Treisman's article and Gessen-Starobin exchange) brought to my mind an old puzzle: Why would any country command such passionate attitudes? The emotions toward the USA, an expanding empire meddling in everybody's affairs, are understandable. Passions around Israel could be also understood. But why Russia? After all this is a country that put an end to the Communist experiment, shad off all its colonial possessions freeing hundreds of millions of people; it dismantled the second largest military-industrial complex of all time and is now building a market democracy. Why so much love and hatred toward Russia? "Normal" countries do not evoke such passions.

My hypothesis is this: What makes Russia "abnormal" is her intelligentsia, with her mindset, emotional nature and traditional self-assumed messianic role.

On balance, expatriates and foreign-based westerners are rather positive about Russia, particularly if they spent lengthy time there. The fiercest critics of Russia are not Western Russophobes but Russian politicians, political analysts, academics, journalists, editorial writers and occasionally generals (Lebed, Rokhlin). They rightly claim that the West's image of Russia is not negative enough (M. Gessen), because Western scholars and journalists "disregard the views of the Russian intellectuals and politicians" (V. Shlapentokh).

Their perceptions and expectations of Russia are invariably gloomy no matter what. Whether Russia is on the brink of disintegration or in the process of consolidation, whether its economy is shrinking or booming, whether Chechnya is a de facto an independent state or during normalization, when the president is locked in a bitter struggle with the Duma or when they live in harmony, when the president's approval ratings is 6% (as Yeltsin's in January 1996) or when it is sky-high. Nothing can please them and sooth their bleeding hearts. Russia is bad and dangerous whether it is weak (V. Bukovsky) or strong.

In their passionate criticism they can break all the rules of logic and common sense. They call Khodorkovsky a political prisoner (L. Alexeyeva), make a human rights champion out of "godfather" Beresovsky while making out of Putin an outright criminal capable of masterminding Moscow apartments' bombing in pursuit of personal power (E. Bonner). They can denounce Russia as a "country of bandit capitalism" and yet get furious at someone who tries to undo this (B. Nemtsov). How twisted one's mind has to be to blame "vintage Soviet infrastructure" for the collapse of a futuristic aqua-park (B. Kagarlitsky, Moscow Times, Feb.19, 2004)?

A glimpse into yet another feature of Russian intelligentsia's mindset was allowed during a Civil Society Event hosted by American ambassador Vershbow in Spasso House last January. Here are some questions civil society activists of Russia's voluntary associations and non-profit and non-governmental organizations asked:

"[Why] western countries and the United States are not showing enough interest to become real mediators in solving [Chechnya] conflict?" "Can the United States do something more for Russian interests in the CIS?"

"What does the United States intend to do to support democracy in Russia?" "Is the U.S.A. ready to support our strategic goal to make our army really democratic?"

Secretary Colin Powell almost chocked up at the last one.

If to some observers these questions sound like a Fifth Columns' invitation I would not go this far. I don't believe in conspiracy theories and I don't for a moment assume that the Russian intelligentsia's tears are paid for. I know many scientists who don't get American grants or honorariums, who spend their lives in laboratories and yet who, given the opportunity, will call everybody ("new Russians", political, economic elites, bureaucrats etc.) crooks, idiots, thieves. They hold Russian narod (people) in contempt for being corrupt, docile and easily manipulated: "In Russia nobody is interested in realizing his or her intellectual or professional potential… everyone wallows in corruption… In Russia there are three principles at work: ''Do not enter, go away, and long live corruption!'' (Gr. Yavlinsky, gazeta.ru June 28, 2002) forgetting that they are talking about narod that openly challenged and eventually dismantled the mighty totalitarian system of the Communist party/KGB.

They think of themselves as the chosen -- a small group of brave and honest people that represent conscience of the nation. But don't questions they addressed to the American officials reveal the same old Soviet mentality: hatred toward masters and appeal to even more powerful master?

I believe the overwhelming majority of Russian intelligentsia are honest, patriotic and concerned people. The Russian political theater is exciting because its actors are so talented and passionate, prone toward dramatic statements and gestures. A good example is Gary Kasparov. Why would a great chess master embark on a crusade of saving Russia and the world from a neo-Stalinist totalitarian state? Because he combines the logic of a supercomputer with the passionate heart of Russian intelligentsia. That is what geniuses are made of.

However, as 70-plus percent support for President Putin and last elections demonstrate, the Russian population at large is tired of Shakespearean drama. They vote for cool, collected, competent management, in short - for the normalcy. The fact that most of government technocrats come from the security services and military-industrial complex is not coincidental. Baltic climate and technology breed this character type -- meticulous, composed, intelligent, and efficient. They are trained to contain their emotions. When Putin proposed to his future wife Liudmila he said: "Look, honey, you know that my character is pretty hard. Now you must make your choice in life,'' (L. Putina's interview, A.P. Sep. 5, 2002).

It will be a great loss if Russian intelligentsia evolves into intellectuals along their western counterparts, if they concentrate on their professional job, if they abandon their fight with establishment and leave it to politicians. Such a wonderful haughty breed will disappear!

Yet the time has come for Russia to be ruled by efficient managers not crusaders. It is the time for the reason to rule over passion.

Dmitry Mikheyev, author of Russia Transformed (Hudson Inst. 1996), teaches management at the Academy of National Economy, Moscow. mikheyev@podlipki.ru