#14
The Guardian (UK)
December 10, 2001
Moldova dispatch
Transforming Transdniestria
In a forgotten corner of eastern Europe, a tiny state is fighting for true
autonomy from its previous taskmasters - but can it survive on its own
By Kate Connolly
It is some nine years since Transdniestria declared its independence from the former Soviet republic of Moldova, fearing that the newly-independent Moldova would seek to reunite with Romania, from which it had split in 1940 under a Nazi-Soviet pact.
Over 1000 people died in the 1992 fight for independence, which was focused on Tiraspol, Transdniestria's administrative centre. The battles were dominated and brought to a halt by the Russian army. Despite hefty protests from Moldova, troops are still stationed, along with 40,000 tonnes of ammunition, in the rebellious region - a thin curve of land between the Dniester river and Ukraine.
Yesterday the self-proclaimed state held its third ever presidential elections. Around 400,000 voters braved temperatures of -20C (-4F) to cast their ballots. But they took place against a background of confusion amongst the region's residents as to what country they're actually residing in, and after a decade of stalemate between Russia and Moldova over the Transdniestria question.
The voters' message was clear. They want Transdniestria to be recognised, and voted accordingly for Igor Smirnov, a staunch pro-independence fighter, who will now lead the country for a third five year term.
Initial results through today indicated that Smirnov had secured 80% of the vote. He is hailed by ordinary Moldovans for giving them the basics of "bread, hot water, and heat".
Yet the poverty levels of the 700,000 Transdniestrians are worsening by the year, and many feel increasingly uneasy about living on a mere strip of land - a virtual state - which the rest of the world refuses to recognise. Yet the region has its own currency, parliament, president and constitution.
To all intents and purposes, say its leaders, it is a country in its own right and should be recognised as such. Meanwhile Moldova and Russia continue their tug of war, each claiming the region as their own.
Transdniestria has come to symbolise a fight to redefine the past and future. Russia is keen to cling onto it as proof that it has not lost its entire former Soviet empire. Moldova on the other hand, as the poorest country in Europe, would like to feel it has not lost everything that made it important during the days of the USSR.
The election in Moldova of the pro-Moscow president Vladimir Voronin in April offered hope towards resolving the dispute. He has placed the conflict on his list of priorities, and has found considerable support amongst leaders and separatists in Tiraspol.
The freeing earlier this year of Illie Illascu, a Moldovan dissident who headed the branch of the Moldovan People's Front in Tiraspol, has boosted the chance of a reconciliation. He was sentenced to death eight years ago for terrorist acts, a sentence which was later commuted to life imprisonment. Yet his offer of broad autonomy, should the two reunite, has not stopped Transdniestrian leaders from clinging strictly to their claims of independence.
But there are clear signs that Transdniestria will not be able to hold out. Disgruntlement among its people, for whom life is becoming increasingly difficult, is rising. They live in a region where the Soviet-era infrastructure is crumbling. With rising food prices, most only manage to feed themselves because they grow their own fruit and vegetables.
Transdniestrian leaders try to assure their people independence is better, by pointing out that the monthly average salary of around $50 (£35) is considerably more than that of Moldova, and pensions are double. But economists point out Transdniestria is artificial and in the long term unsustainable: Russia provides its natural gas for free.
And analysts also say that the economy survives on revenue from smuggling - everything from arms to gasoline to cigarettes and humans - a story repeated around the region.
For its part, Moldova is desperate for reunification: the loss of Transdniestria was a considerable economic blow, on top of the shock of splitting from the Soviet Union - for whose elite it provided fine wines and exotic fruits among an array of high quality scientific products and services. The breakaway of Transdniestria meant the loss of its eastern border, an important power plant and other vital industrial resources: economists estimate up to a third of Moldova's industrial output was produced in Transdniestria.
Although a team from the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has concentrated its energies on Transdniestria for some years, saying it is ready to finance the destruction of Russia's arsenal - a move which could lead to the reunification of the two lands - the international community has shown scant interest in the Transdniestria problem. Due to the current international situation, it is even less likely to be on anyone's priority list.
But its stability is vital to the overall equilibrium of the region. Romania is fighting for recognition at this time, rightly trying to point out that its integration as a major Balkan country in the European Union is vital for the continent's stability. But its voice is hardly regarded at all. What hope is there, then, for Moldova (which in terms of recognition is considerably further down the ladder), and Transdniestria, which is struggling to keep hold of the bottom rung?
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